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history of ideas

  • 1 history of ideas

    мет. история идей [науки\] (междисциплинарный подход к изучению развития науки в целом, который пытается преодолеть ограниченность исследования развития отдельных наук по отдельности)
    See:

    Англо-русский экономический словарь > history of ideas

  • 2 history of ideas


    povijest ideja

    English-Croatian dictionary > history of ideas

  • 3 history of ideas

    • oppihistoria
    • aatehistoria

    English-Finnish dictionary > history of ideas

  • 4 history of science

    мет. история науки (изучение развития различных наук, поиск закономерностей этого развития, взаимного влияния наук друг на друга, роли личности ученого в развитии науки и т. д.)
    Syn:
    See:

    Англо-русский экономический словарь > history of science

  • 5 idea

    noun
    1) (conception) Idee, die; Gedanke, der

    arrive at an idea — auf eine Idee od. einen Gedanken kommen

    the idea of going abroad — der Gedanke od. die Vorstellung, ins Ausland zu fahren

    give/get some idea of something — einen Überblick über etwas (Akk.) geben/einen Eindruck von etwas bekommen

    get the idea [of something] — verstehen, worum es [bei etwas] geht

    somebody's idea of something — (coll.) jemandes Vorstellung von etwas

    not my idea of... — (coll.) nicht, was ich mir unter... (Dat.) vorstelle

    he has no idea — (coll.) er hat keine Ahnung (ugs.)

    2) (mental picture) Vorstellung, die

    what gave you that idea? — wie bist du darauf gekommen?

    get the idea that... — den Eindruck bekommen, dass...

    get or have ideas — (coll.) (be rebellious) auf dumme Gedanken kommen (ugs.); (be ambitious) sich (Dat.) Hoffnungen machen

    3) (vague notion) Ahnung, die; Vorstellung, die

    have you any idea [of] how...? — weißt du ungefähr, wie...?

    you can have no idea [of] how... — du kannst dir gar nicht vorstellen, wie...

    not have the remotest or slightest or faintest or (coll.) foggiest idea — nicht die entfernteste od. mindeste od. leiseste Ahnung haben

    I suddenly had the idea that... — mir kam plötzlich der Gedanke, dass...

    I've an idea that... — ich habe so eine Ahnung, dass...

    the [very] idea!, what an idea! — (coll.) unvorstellbar!; allein die Vorstellung!

    4) (plan) Idee, die

    good idea! — [das ist eine] gute Idee!

    that's an idea — (coll.) das ist eine gute Idee

    that gives me an idea — das hat mich auf eine Idee gebracht

    the idea was that... — der Plan war, dass...

    what's the big idea? — (iron.) was soll das?; was soll der Blödsinn? (ugs.)

    * * *
    1) (opinion; belief: I have an idea that it won't work.) die Meinung
    2) (a plan: I've an idea for solving this problem.) die Idee
    3) (mental picture: This will give you an idea of what I mean.) die Vorstellung
    * * *
    [aɪˈdɪə, -ˈdi:ə, AM -ˈdi:ə]
    n
    1. (notion) Vorstellung f
    what an \idea! ( fam) du hast Vorstellungen!
    the [very] \idea of it! ( fam) allein die Vorstellung!
    that gives me an \idea, we could... da kommt mir [gerade] ein Gedanke — wir könnten...
    whatever gave you that \idea? wie kommst du denn [bloß] darauf?
    whose bright \idea was that? ( iron) wessen Geistesblitz war das denn? iron fam
    the \idea never entered my head der Gedanke ist mir nie in den Sinn gekommen
    he's got the \idea into his head that... er bildet sich doch glatt ein, dass...
    don't you start [or go] getting any \ideas about a new carpet! den Gedanken an einen neuen Teppich kannst du gleich vergessen!
    to get \ideas ( fam) auf dumme Gedanken kommen
    to give sb \ideas ( fam) jdn auf dumme Gedanken bringen
    to put \ideas into sb's head jdm Flausen in den Kopf setzen, jdn auf dumme Gedanken bringen
    2. (purpose)
    ▪ the \idea die Absicht, der Zweck
    what's the big \idea? ( usu iron) wozu soll das gut sein?
    the \idea behind all this... das Ganze soll dazu dienen,...
    you're getting the \idea now allmählich kommst du dahinter
    the \idea was to meet at the pub eigentlich wollten wir uns in der Kneipe treffen
    what's the \idea of keeping us all waiting? was denken Sie sich eigentlich dabei, uns alle warten zu lassen?
    3. (suggestion) Idee f, Einfall m
    what a great \idea! was für eine glänzende Idee!
    that's an \idea! ( fam) das ist eine gute Idee!
    I don't think it's a good \idea to... ich halte es für keine gute Idee,...
    to bubble with good \ideas vor [o von] guten Einfällen nur so übersprudeln
    to give sb the \idea of doing sth jdn auf die Idee [o den Gedanken] bringen, etw zu tun
    to toy with the \idea of doing sth mit der Idee [o dem Gedanken] spielen, etw zu tun
    4. (knowledge) Begriff m
    to give sb an \idea of sth jdm eine [ungefähre] Vorstellung von etw dat geben
    to have an \idea of sth eine Vorstellung von etw dat haben
    I've got a pretty good \idea why they left early ich kann mir denken, warum sie so früh gegangen sind
    have you any \idea of what you're asking me to do? weißt du eigentlich, um was du mich da bittest?
    to have [got] no \idea ( fam) keine Ahnung haben
    to have no \idea that... ( fam) keine Ahnung [davon] haben, dass...
    to not have the slightest [or ( fam) faintest] \idea nicht die leiseste Ahnung [o fam den blassesten Schimmer] haben
    5. (conception) Ansicht f, Auffassung f
    his \idea of a good evening is loads of booze unter einem gelungenen Abend versteht er jede Menge Alkohol
    ▪ to not be sb's \idea of sth ( fam) nicht jds Vorstellung von etw dat entsprechen
    this is not my \idea of fun ( fam) das verstehe ich nicht unter Spaß!
    * * *
    [aI'dɪə]
    n
    1) Idee f (ALSO PHILOS); (esp sudden) Einfall m

    what an idea! — so eine or was für eine Idee!

    who thought of that idea? — wer hat sich (dat) denn das einfallen lassen?

    the very idea! — (nein,) so was!

    the idea never entered my head! — auf den Gedanken bin ich überhaupt nicht gekommen

    to hit upon the idea of doing sth — den plötzlichen Einfall haben, etw zu tun

    that gives me an idea, we could... — da fällt mir ein, wir könnten...

    to lack ideas — fantasielos or phantasielos or einfallslos sein

    somehow he's got the idea into his head that... — er bildet sich (dat) irgendwie ein, dass...

    where did you get the idea that I was ill? — wie kommst du auf den Gedanken, dass ich krank war?

    don't get ideas or don't you go getting ideas about promotion — machen Sie sich (dat) nur keine falschen Hoffnungen auf eine Beförderung

    don't get or go getting any ideas about that fur coat — bilde dir nur nicht ein, du würdest den Pelzmantel bekommen

    to put ideas into sb's head — jdm einen Floh ins Ohr setzen, jdn auf dumme Gedanken bringen

    2)

    (= purpose) the idea was to meet at 6 — wir wollten uns um 6 treffen

    what's the idea of keeping him waiting? — was soll denn das, ihn warten zu lassen?

    the idea is to reduce expenditure — es geht darum, die Ausgaben zu senken

    he sat down with the idea of writing a letter — er setzte sich mit der Absicht, einen Brief zu schreiben

    that's the idea — so ist es richtig, genau (das ists)!

    you're getting the idea — Sie verstehen langsam, worum es geht

    3) (= opinion) Meinung f, Ansicht f; (= conception) Vorstellung f

    if that's your idea of fun — wenn Sie das lustig finden, wenn das Ihre Vorstellung von Spaß ist

    he has no idea of right and wrong —

    his idea of a pleasant evening is... — seine Vorstellung von einem angenehmen Abend ist...

    4) (= knowledge) Ahnung f

    you've no idea how worried I've been — du kannst dir nicht vorstellen, welche Sorgen ich mir gemacht habe

    I have an idea that... —

    I had no idea that... — ich hatte ja keine Ahnung, dass...

    just to give me an idea of how long it will take — damit ich so ungefähr weiß, wie lange es dauert

    could you give me an idea of how long...? — könnten Sie mir ungefähr sagen, wie lange...?

    to give you an idea of how difficult it is — um Ihnen eine Vorstellung davon zu vermitteln, wie schwierig es ist

    * * *
    idea [aıˈdıə] s
    1. Idee f, Vorstellung f, Begriff m:
    that’s not my idea of … unter (dat) … stelle ich mir etwas anderes vor; das ist nicht (gerade) das, was ich mir unter (dat) … vorstelle;
    she’s everyone’s idea of a pretty girl sie entspricht der allgemeinen Vorstellung von einem hübschen Mädchen; sie ist das, was man sich allgemein unter einem hübschen Mädchen vorstellt;
    form an idea of sich etwas vorstellen, sich einen Begriff machen von;
    get ideas sich falsche Hoffnungen oder Vorstellungen machen;
    don’t get the wrong idea, I … versteh mich nicht falsch, ich …;
    give sb an ( oder some) idea of jemandem eine Vorstellung geben von;
    can you give me an idea how ( where, etc) …? kannst du mir ungefähr sagen, wie (wo etc) …?;
    he has no idea (of it) er hat keine Ahnung (davon);
    it was so cold - you’ve no idea! du kannst dir gar nicht vorstellen, wie kalt es war;
    I’ve got a pretty good idea where he is ich kann mir ganz gut vorstellen, wo er ist;
    you have no idea how … du kannst dir gar nicht vorstellen, wie …;
    put ideas into sb’s head jemandem Flausen in den Kopf setzen;
    the very idea of (doing) sth schon der Gedanke an etwas (daran, etwas zu tun);
    the idea of such a thing!, the (very) idea!, what an idea! was für eine Idee!, so ein Unsinn!;
    idea of reference PSYCH Beziehungsidee;
    ideas pl of reference PSYCH Beziehungswahn m
    2. Gedanke m, Meinung f, Ansicht f:
    it is my idea that … ich bin der Ansicht, dass …
    3. Absicht f, Plan m, Gedanke m, Idee f:
    it was his idea to cancel ( oder that we should cancel) the performance es war seine Idee, die Vorstellung abzusagen; die Idee, die Vorstellung abzusagen, stammte von ihm;
    that’s not a bad idea das ist keine schlechte Idee, das ist gar nicht schlecht;
    the idea is … der Zweck der Sache ist, …; es geht darum, …;
    that’s the idea! darum dreht es sich!, so ist es!;
    the idea entered my mind mir kam der Gedanke;
    I’ve got the idea ich habe verstanden; → academic.ru/6815/big">big A 7, faint A 2, foggy 3 a, rough A 12
    4. unbestimmtes Gefühl:
    I have an idea that … ich habe so das Gefühl, dass …; es kommt mir (so) vor, als ob …
    5. PHIL Idee f:
    a) geistige Vorstellung
    b) Ideal(vorstellung) n(f)
    c) Urbild n (Plato)
    d) unmittelbares Objekt des Denkens (Locke, Descartes)
    e) transzendentaler Vernunftbegriff (Kant)
    f) (das) Absolute (Hegel)
    6. besonders MUS Idee f, Thema n
    * * *
    noun
    1) (conception) Idee, die; Gedanke, der

    arrive at an idea — auf eine Idee od. einen Gedanken kommen

    the idea of going abroad — der Gedanke od. die Vorstellung, ins Ausland zu fahren

    give/get some idea of something — einen Überblick über etwas (Akk.) geben/einen Eindruck von etwas bekommen

    get the idea [of something] — verstehen, worum es [bei etwas] geht

    somebody's idea of something — (coll.) jemandes Vorstellung von etwas

    not my idea of... — (coll.) nicht, was ich mir unter... (Dat.) vorstelle

    he has no idea — (coll.) er hat keine Ahnung (ugs.)

    2) (mental picture) Vorstellung, die

    get the idea that... — den Eindruck bekommen, dass...

    get or have ideas — (coll.) (be rebellious) auf dumme Gedanken kommen (ugs.); (be ambitious) sich (Dat.) Hoffnungen machen

    3) (vague notion) Ahnung, die; Vorstellung, die

    have you any idea [of] how...? — weißt du ungefähr, wie...?

    you can have no idea [of] how... — du kannst dir gar nicht vorstellen, wie...

    not have the remotest or slightest or faintest or (coll.) foggiest idea — nicht die entfernteste od. mindeste od. leiseste Ahnung haben

    I suddenly had the idea that... — mir kam plötzlich der Gedanke, dass...

    I've an idea that... — ich habe so eine Ahnung, dass...

    the [very] idea!, what an idea! — (coll.) unvorstellbar!; allein die Vorstellung!

    4) (plan) Idee, die

    good idea! — [das ist eine] gute Idee!

    that's an idea — (coll.) das ist eine gute Idee

    the idea was that... — der Plan war, dass...

    what's the big idea? — (iron.) was soll das?; was soll der Blödsinn? (ugs.)

    * * *
    n.
    Anschauung f.
    Begriff -e m.
    Einfall -¨e m.
    Gedanke -n m.
    Idee -n f.
    Meinung -en f.
    Plan ¨-e m.
    Vorstellung f.

    English-german dictionary > idea

  • 6 Computers

       The brain has been compared to a digital computer because the neuron, like a switch or valve, either does or does not complete a circuit. But at that point the similarity ends. The switch in the digital computer is constant in its effect, and its effect is large in proportion to the total output of the machine. The effect produced by the neuron varies with its recovery from [the] refractory phase and with its metabolic state. The number of neurons involved in any action runs into millions so that the influence of any one is negligible.... Any cell in the system can be dispensed with.... The brain is an analogical machine, not digital. Analysis of the integrative activities will probably have to be in statistical terms. (Lashley, quoted in Beach, Hebb, Morgan & Nissen, 1960, p. 539)
       It is essential to realize that a computer is not a mere "number cruncher," or supercalculating arithmetic machine, although this is how computers are commonly regarded by people having no familiarity with artificial intelligence. Computers do not crunch numbers; they manipulate symbols.... Digital computers originally developed with mathematical problems in mind, are in fact general purpose symbol manipulating machines....
       The terms "computer" and "computation" are themselves unfortunate, in view of their misleading arithmetical connotations. The definition of artificial intelligence previously cited-"the study of intelligence as computation"-does not imply that intelligence is really counting. Intelligence may be defined as the ability creatively to manipulate symbols, or process information, given the requirements of the task in hand. (Boden, 1981, pp. 15, 16-17)
       The task is to get computers to explain things to themselves, to ask questions about their experiences so as to cause those explanations to be forthcoming, and to be creative in coming up with explanations that have not been previously available. (Schank, 1986, p. 19)
       In What Computers Can't Do, written in 1969 (2nd edition, 1972), the main objection to AI was the impossibility of using rules to select only those facts about the real world that were relevant in a given situation. The "Introduction" to the paperback edition of the book, published by Harper & Row in 1979, pointed out further that no one had the slightest idea how to represent the common sense understanding possessed even by a four-year-old. (Dreyfus & Dreyfus, 1986, p. 102)
       A popular myth says that the invention of the computer diminishes our sense of ourselves, because it shows that rational thought is not special to human beings, but can be carried on by a mere machine. It is a short stop from there to the conclusion that intelligence is mechanical, which many people find to be an affront to all that is most precious and singular about their humanness.
       In fact, the computer, early in its career, was not an instrument of the philistines, but a humanizing influence. It helped to revive an idea that had fallen into disrepute: the idea that the mind is real, that it has an inner structure and a complex organization, and can be understood in scientific terms. For some three decades, until the 1940s, American psychology had lain in the grip of the ice age of behaviorism, which was antimental through and through. During these years, extreme behaviorists banished the study of thought from their agenda. Mind and consciousness, thinking, imagining, planning, solving problems, were dismissed as worthless for anything except speculation. Only the external aspects of behavior, the surface manifestations, were grist for the scientist's mill, because only they could be observed and measured....
       It is one of the surprising gifts of the computer in the history of ideas that it played a part in giving back to psychology what it had lost, which was nothing less than the mind itself. In particular, there was a revival of interest in how the mind represents the world internally to itself, by means of knowledge structures such as ideas, symbols, images, and inner narratives, all of which had been consigned to the realm of mysticism. (Campbell, 1989, p. 10)
       [Our artifacts] only have meaning because we give it to them; their intentionality, like that of smoke signals and writing, is essentially borrowed, hence derivative. To put it bluntly: computers themselves don't mean anything by their tokens (any more than books do)-they only mean what we say they do. Genuine understanding, on the other hand, is intentional "in its own right" and not derivatively from something else. (Haugeland, 1981a, pp. 32-33)
       he debate over the possibility of computer thought will never be won or lost; it will simply cease to be of interest, like the previous debate over man as a clockwork mechanism. (Bolter, 1984, p. 190)
       t takes us a long time to emotionally digest a new idea. The computer is too big a step, and too recently made, for us to quickly recover our balance and gauge its potential. It's an enormous accelerator, perhaps the greatest one since the plow, twelve thousand years ago. As an intelligence amplifier, it speeds up everything-including itself-and it continually improves because its heart is information or, more plainly, ideas. We can no more calculate its consequences than Babbage could have foreseen antibiotics, the Pill, or space stations.
       Further, the effects of those ideas are rapidly compounding, because a computer design is itself just a set of ideas. As we get better at manipulating ideas by building ever better computers, we get better at building even better computers-it's an ever-escalating upward spiral. The early nineteenth century, when the computer's story began, is already so far back that it may as well be the Stone Age. (Rawlins, 1997, p. 19)
       According to weak AI, the principle value of the computer in the study of the mind is that it gives us a very powerful tool. For example, it enables us to formulate and test hypotheses in a more rigorous and precise fashion than before. But according to strong AI the computer is not merely a tool in the study of the mind; rather the appropriately programmed computer really is a mind in the sense that computers given the right programs can be literally said to understand and have other cognitive states. And according to strong AI, because the programmed computer has cognitive states, the programs are not mere tools that enable us to test psychological explanations; rather, the programs are themselves the explanations. (Searle, 1981b, p. 353)
       What makes people smarter than machines? They certainly are not quicker or more precise. Yet people are far better at perceiving objects in natural scenes and noting their relations, at understanding language and retrieving contextually appropriate information from memory, at making plans and carrying out contextually appropriate actions, and at a wide range of other natural cognitive tasks. People are also far better at learning to do these things more accurately and fluently through processing experience.
       What is the basis for these differences? One answer, perhaps the classic one we might expect from artificial intelligence, is "software." If we only had the right computer program, the argument goes, we might be able to capture the fluidity and adaptability of human information processing. Certainly this answer is partially correct. There have been great breakthroughs in our understanding of cognition as a result of the development of expressive high-level computer languages and powerful algorithms. However, we do not think that software is the whole story.
       In our view, people are smarter than today's computers because the brain employs a basic computational architecture that is more suited to deal with a central aspect of the natural information processing tasks that people are so good at.... hese tasks generally require the simultaneous consideration of many pieces of information or constraints. Each constraint may be imperfectly specified and ambiguous, yet each can play a potentially decisive role in determining the outcome of processing. (McClelland, Rumelhart & Hinton, 1986, pp. 3-4)

    Historical dictionary of quotations in cognitive science > Computers

  • 7 JHI

    1) Университет: Johns Hopkins International
    2) Фирменный знак: Joe Hughes International, Johnstown Home Improvement
    4) NYSE. John Hancock Investment Trust
    5) Программное обеспечение: Java HDF Interface

    Универсальный англо-русский словарь > JHI

  • 8 modern

    a
    современный; новый

    English-russian dctionary of diplomacy > modern

  • 9 Memory

       To what extent can we lump together what goes on when you try to recall: (1) your name; (2) how you kick a football; and (3) the present location of your car keys? If we use introspective evidence as a guide, the first seems an immediate automatic response. The second may require constructive internal replay prior to our being able to produce a verbal description. The third... quite likely involves complex operational responses under the control of some general strategy system. Is any unitary search process, with a single set of characteristics and inputoutput relations, likely to cover all these cases? (Reitman, 1970, p. 485)
       [Semantic memory] Is a mental thesaurus, organized knowledge a person possesses about words and other verbal symbols, their meanings and referents, about relations among them, and about rules, formulas, and algorithms for the manipulation of these symbols, concepts, and relations. Semantic memory does not register perceptible properties of inputs, but rather cognitive referents of input signals. (Tulving, 1972, p. 386)
       The mnemonic code, far from being fixed and unchangeable, is structured and restructured along with general development. Such a restructuring of the code takes place in close dependence on the schemes of intelligence. The clearest indication of this is the observation of different types of memory organisation in accordance with the age level of a child so that a longer interval of retention without any new presentation, far from causing a deterioration of memory, may actually improve it. (Piaget & Inhelder, 1973, p. 36)
       4) The Logic of Some Memory Theorization Is of Dubious Worth in the History of Psychology
       If a cue was effective in memory retrieval, then one could infer it was encoded; if a cue was not effective, then it was not encoded. The logic of this theorization is "heads I win, tails you lose" and is of dubious worth in the history of psychology. We might ask how long scientists will puzzle over questions with no answers. (Solso, 1974, p. 28)
       We have iconic, echoic, active, working, acoustic, articulatory, primary, secondary, episodic, semantic, short-term, intermediate-term, and longterm memories, and these memories contain tags, traces, images, attributes, markers, concepts, cognitive maps, natural-language mediators, kernel sentences, relational rules, nodes, associations, propositions, higher-order memory units, and features. (Eysenck, 1977, p. 4)
       The problem with the memory metaphor is that storage and retrieval of traces only deals [ sic] with old, previously articulated information. Memory traces can perhaps provide a basis for dealing with the "sameness" of the present experience with previous experiences, but the memory metaphor has no mechanisms for dealing with novel information. (Bransford, McCarrell, Franks & Nitsch, 1977, p. 434)
       7) The Results of a Hundred Years of the Psychological Study of Memory Are Somewhat Discouraging
       The results of a hundred years of the psychological study of memory are somewhat discouraging. We have established firm empirical generalisations, but most of them are so obvious that every ten-year-old knows them anyway. We have made discoveries, but they are only marginally about memory; in many cases we don't know what to do with them, and wear them out with endless experimental variations. We have an intellectually impressive group of theories, but history offers little confidence that they will provide any meaningful insight into natural behavior. (Neisser, 1978, pp. 12-13)
       A schema, then is a data structure for representing the generic concepts stored in memory. There are schemata representing our knowledge about all concepts; those underlying objects, situations, events, sequences of events, actions and sequences of actions. A schema contains, as part of its specification, the network of interrelations that is believed to normally hold among the constituents of the concept in question. A schema theory embodies a prototype theory of meaning. That is, inasmuch as a schema underlying a concept stored in memory corresponds to the mean ing of that concept, meanings are encoded in terms of the typical or normal situations or events that instantiate that concept. (Rumelhart, 1980, p. 34)
       Memory appears to be constrained by a structure, a "syntax," perhaps at quite a low level, but it is free to be variable, deviant, even erratic at a higher level....
       Like the information system of language, memory can be explained in part by the abstract rules which underlie it, but only in part. The rules provide a basic competence, but they do not fully determine performance. (Campbell, 1982, pp. 228, 229)
       When people think about the mind, they often liken it to a physical space, with memories and ideas as objects contained within that space. Thus, we speak of ideas being in the dark corners or dim recesses of our minds, and of holding ideas in mind. Ideas may be in the front or back of our minds, or they may be difficult to grasp. With respect to the processes involved in memory, we talk about storing memories, of searching or looking for lost memories, and sometimes of finding them. An examination of common parlance, therefore, suggests that there is general adherence to what might be called the spatial metaphor. The basic assumptions of this metaphor are that memories are treated as objects stored in specific locations within the mind, and the retrieval process involves a search through the mind in order to find specific memories....
       However, while the spatial metaphor has shown extraordinary longevity, there have been some interesting changes over time in the precise form of analogy used. In particular, technological advances have influenced theoretical conceptualisations.... The original Greek analogies were based on wax tablets and aviaries; these were superseded by analogies involving switchboards, gramophones, tape recorders, libraries, conveyor belts, and underground maps. Most recently, the workings of human memory have been compared to computer functioning... and it has been suggested that the various memory stores found in computers have their counterparts in the human memory system. (Eysenck, 1984, pp. 79-80)
       Primary memory [as proposed by William James] relates to information that remains in consciousness after it has been perceived, and thus forms part of the psychological present, whereas secondary memory contains information about events that have left consciousness, and are therefore part of the psychological past. (Eysenck, 1984, p. 86)
       Once psychologists began to study long-term memory per se, they realized it may be divided into two main categories.... Semantic memories have to do with our general knowledge about the working of the world. We know what cars do, what stoves do, what the laws of gravity are, and so on. Episodic memories are largely events that took place at a time and place in our personal history. Remembering specific events about our own actions, about our family, and about our individual past falls into this category. With amnesia or in aging, what dims... is our personal episodic memories, save for those that are especially dear or painful to us. Our knowledge of how the world works remains pretty much intact. (Gazzaniga, 1988, p. 42)
       The nature of memory... provides a natural starting point for an analysis of thinking. Memory is the repository of many of the beliefs and representations that enter into thinking, and the retrievability of these representations can limit the quality of our thought. (Smith, 1990, p. 1)

    Historical dictionary of quotations in cognitive science > Memory

  • 10 innovation

    1. инновация
    2. инновации

     

    инновации
    1. Процесс создания и освоения новых технологий и продуктов, приводящий к повышению эффективности производства. 2. Новая техника, технологии, являющиеся результатом научно-технического прогресса. Инновации, в современных условиях, достигаются преимущественно путем инвестиций в нематериальные активы (НИОКР, информационные технологии, переподготовку кадров, привлечение покупателей) Инновации в самом общем смысле, прежде всего, делятся на два класса: инновации процесса и инновации продукта, хотя они тесно связаны между собой; возможно как изготовление нового продукта старыми методами, так и изготовление старого продукта новыми методами – и наоборот. Не следует смешивать понятия инноваций и изобретений. Второе – более узко, относится к технике и технологии. Однако порою простая реорганизация производства ( а это организационная инновация) может принести не меньший экономический эффект, чем изобретение, техническое усовершенствование. Инновации – основа и движущая сила научно-технического прогресса во всех его видах: трудосберегающего, капиталосберегающего, нейтрального. Основоположник теории инноваций австрийский экономист Й.Шумпетер утверждал, что двигателем экономического развития выступает предприимчивость, выражающаяся в постоянном поиске новых комбинаций факторов производства, дающих предпринимателю возможность получать прибыль, большую по сравнению со средней. Все инновации связаны с большой долей риска. Но известно и другое: отказ от инноваций является еще более рисковым делом, поскольку ведет к замедлению научно-технического прогресса и экономического роста в целом.См. Диффузия инноваций.
    [ http://slovar-lopatnikov.ru/]

    Тематики

    EN

     

    инновация
    1. Вложение средств в экономику, обеспечивающее смену поколений техники и технологии.
    2. Новая техника, технология, являющиеся результатом достижений научно-технического прогресса. Развитие изобретательства, появление пионерских и крупных изобретений является существенным фактором инновации.
    [ http://www.lexikon.ru/dict/buh/index.html]

    инновация
    1.- См статью Иннновации, 2. — результат вложения средств (инвестиций) в разработку новой техники и технологии, во внедрение новых форм бизнеса, современных методов работы на рынке, новых товаров и услуг, финансовых инструментов.
    [ http://slovar-lopatnikov.ru/]

    Параллельные тексты EN-RU из ABB Review. Перевод компании Интент

    Partners in technology
    New challenges to a history of cooperation with customers

    Партнеры по технологии
    Новые уроки сотрудничества с заказчиками

    ABB’s predecessor companies, ASEA and BBC, were founded almost 120 years ago in a time when electromagnetism and Maxwell’s equations were considered “rocket science.” Since then several technological transitions have occurred and ABB has successfully outlived them all while many other companies vanished at some point along the way. This has been possible because of innovation and a willingness to learn from history. Understanding historical connections between products, technology and industrial economics is extremely Partners in technology New challenges to a history of cooperation with customers George A. Fodor, Sten Linder, Jan-Erik Ibstedt, Lennart Thegel, Fredrik Norlund, Håkan Wintzell, Jarl Sobel important when planning future technologies and innovations.

    Предшественницы АББ, компании ASEA и BBC, были основаны почти 120 лет назад, в то время, когда электромагнетизм и уравнения Максвелла считались «космическими технологиями». С тех пор прошло несколько технических революций и АББ успешно пережила их все, в то время как многие другие компании затерялись по дороге. Это стало возможным, благодаря постоянным инновациям и стремлению учиться на уроках истории. Для планирования будущих технологий и инноваций огромную роль играет понимание исторических взаимосвязей между продуктами, технологиями и экономикой

    These connections rely on information channels in companies and their existence cannot be underestimated if a company is to survive. An organization can acquire more information than any one individual, and the optimal use of this information depends on the existence and types of communication channels between those working in a company and the relevant people outside it.

    Эти взаимосвязи опираются на существующие в компании информационные каналы и, если компания намерена выжить, их значение нельзя недооценивать. Организация может накопить значительно больше информации, чем любой отдельный человек, и оптимальное использование этой информации зависит от наличия и типов коммуникационных каналов между работниками компании и причастными людьми за ее пределами.

    Force Measurement, a division of ABB AB, has a long tradition of innovation. Thanks to strong ties with its customers, suppliers, research institutes and universities, Force Measurement provides state-of-the-art equipment for accurate and reliable measurement and control in a broad range of applications. At the same time, established principles such as Maxwell’s equations continue to be applied in new and surprisingly innovative ways to produce products that promote long-term growth and increased competitiveness.

    Группа измерения компании АББ имеет давние традиции использования инноваций. Благодаря прочным связям с заказчиками, поставщиками, исследовательскими институтами и университетами, она создает уникальное оборудование для точных и надежных измерений в самых разных областях. В то же время незыблемые принципы, подобные уравнениям Максвелла, продолжают применяться новыми и удивительно инновационными способами, позволяя создавать продукты, обеспечивающие устойчивый рост и высокую конкурентоспособность.

    Innovation is a key factor if companies and their customers are to survive what can only be called truly testing times. The target of innovation is to find and implement ideas that reshape industries, reinvent markets and redesign value chains, and many of these ideas come from innovative customers.

    Если компания и ее заказчики намерены пережить тяжелые времена, то основное внимание следует обратить на инновации. Целью инноваций является поиск и воплощение идей, позволяющих перевернуть промышленность, заново открыть рынки и перестроить стоимостные цепочки, причем многие из этих идей поступают от заказчиков.

    Key to successful innovation is communication or the types of information channels employed by firms [1, 2]. A global company like ABB, with offices and factories spanning 90 countries, faces many challenges in maintaining information channels. First of all, there are the internal challenges. Ideas need to be evaluated from many different perspectives to determine their overall impact on the market. Selecting the most effective ones requires expertise and teamwork from the various business, marketing and technology competence groups. Just as important are the channels of communication that exist between ABB, and its customers and suppliers.

    Секрет успешных инноваций кроется в типах используемых фирмой информационных каналов [1, 2]. Глобальные компании, подобные АББ, с офисами и заводами более чем в 90 странах, сталкиваются с серьезными проблемами управления информационными каналами. Во-первых, существуют внутренние проблемы. Чтобы определить ценность идеи и ее общее влияние на рынок, ее нужно подвергнуть всесторонней оценке. Выбор наиболее эффективных идей требует коллективной работы различных экономических, маркетинговых и технологических групп. Не менее важны и коммуникационные каналы между компанией АББ и ее заказчиками и поставщиками.

    Many of ABB’s customers come from countries that are gradually developing strong technology and scientific cultures thanks to major investments in very ambitious research programs. China and India, for example, are two such countries. In fact, the Chinese Academy of Sciences is currently conducting research projects in all state of-the-art technologies. Countries in Africa and Eastern Europe are capitalizing on their pool of young talent to create a culture of technology development. Emerging markets, while welcome, mean stiffer competition, and competition to companies like ABB encourages even greater levels of innovation

    Многие заказчики АББ пришли из стран, постоянно развивающих сильную технологию и научную культуру путем крупных инвестиций в грандиозные исследовательские программы. К таким странам относятся, например, Индия и Китай. На самом деле, Китайская академия наук ведет исследования по всем перспективным направлениям. Страны Африки и Восточной Европы делают ставку на молодые таланты, которым предстоит создавать культуру технологического развития. Новые рынки, хоть и привлекательны, ужесточают конкуренцию, а конкуренция с такими компаниями, как АББ способствует повышению уровня инноваций.

    Many customers, similar stories Backed by 120 years of technological development and experience, ABB continues to produce products and services in many automation, power generation and robotics fields, and the examples described in the following section illustrate this broad customer range.

    Заказчиков много, история одна
    Опираясь более чем на 120-летний опыт технологического развития, АББ продолжает выпускать продукты и оказывать услуги во многих отраслях, связанных с автоматизацией, генерацией энергии и робототехникой. Приведенные далее при меры иллюстрируют широкий диапазон таких заказчиков.

    Тематики

    EN

    3.1.29 инновация (innovation): Конечный результат инновационной деятельности, получивший реализацию в виде нового или усовершенствованного продукта, реализуемого на рынке, нового или усовершенствованного технологического процесса, используемого в практической деятельности.

    Источник: ГОСТ Р 54147-2010: Стратегический и инновационный менеджмент. Термины и определения оригинал документа

    Англо-русский словарь нормативно-технической терминологии > innovation

  • 11 Historical Portugal

       Before Romans described western Iberia or Hispania as "Lusitania," ancient Iberians inhabited the land. Phoenician and Greek trading settlements grew up in the Tagus estuary area and nearby coasts. Beginning around 202 BCE, Romans invaded what is today southern Portugal. With Rome's defeat of Carthage, Romans proceeded to conquer and rule the western region north of the Tagus, which they named Roman "Lusitania." In the fourth century CE, as Rome's rule weakened, the area experienced yet another invasion—Germanic tribes, principally the Suevi, who eventually were Christianized. During the sixth century CE, the Suevi kingdom was superseded by yet another Germanic tribe—the Christian Visigoths.
       A major turning point in Portugal's history came in 711, as Muslim armies from North Africa, consisting of both Arab and Berber elements, invaded the Iberian Peninsula from across the Straits of Gibraltar. They entered what is now Portugal in 714, and proceeded to conquer most of the country except for the far north. For the next half a millennium, Islam and Muslim presence in Portugal left a significant mark upon the politics, government, language, and culture of the country.
       Islam, Reconquest, and Portugal Created, 714-1140
       The long frontier struggle between Muslim invaders and Christian communities in the north of the Iberian peninsula was called the Reconquista (Reconquest). It was during this struggle that the first dynasty of Portuguese kings (Burgundian) emerged and the independent monarchy of Portugal was established. Christian forces moved south from what is now the extreme north of Portugal and gradually defeated Muslim forces, besieging and capturing towns under Muslim sway. In the ninth century, as Christian forces slowly made their way southward, Christian elements were dominant only in the area between Minho province and the Douro River; this region became known as "territorium Portu-calense."
       In the 11th century, the advance of the Reconquest quickened as local Christian armies were reinforced by crusading knights from what is now France and England. Christian forces took Montemor (1034), at the Mondego River; Lamego (1058); Viseu (1058); and Coimbra (1064). In 1095, the king of Castile and Léon granted the country of "Portu-cale," what became northern Portugal, to a Burgundian count who had emigrated from France. This was the foundation of Portugal. In 1139, a descendant of this count, Afonso Henriques, proclaimed himself "King of Portugal." He was Portugal's first monarch, the "Founder," and the first of the Burgundian dynasty, which ruled until 1385.
       The emergence of Portugal in the 12th century as a separate monarchy in Iberia occurred before the Christian Reconquest of the peninsula. In the 1140s, the pope in Rome recognized Afonso Henriques as king of Portugal. In 1147, after a long, bloody siege, Muslim-occupied Lisbon fell to Afonso Henriques's army. Lisbon was the greatest prize of the 500-year war. Assisting this effort were English crusaders on their way to the Holy Land; the first bishop of Lisbon was an Englishman. When the Portuguese captured Faro and Silves in the Algarve province in 1248-50, the Reconquest of the extreme western portion of the Iberian peninsula was complete—significantly, more than two centuries before the Spanish crown completed the Reconquest of the eastern portion by capturing Granada in 1492.
       Consolidation and Independence of Burgundian Portugal, 1140-1385
       Two main themes of Portugal's early existence as a monarchy are the consolidation of control over the realm and the defeat of a Castil-ian threat from the east to its independence. At the end of this period came the birth of a new royal dynasty (Aviz), which prepared to carry the Christian Reconquest beyond continental Portugal across the straits of Gibraltar to North Africa. There was a variety of motives behind these developments. Portugal's independent existence was imperiled by threats from neighboring Iberian kingdoms to the north and east. Politics were dominated not only by efforts against the Muslims in
       Portugal (until 1250) and in nearby southern Spain (until 1492), but also by internecine warfare among the kingdoms of Castile, Léon, Aragon, and Portugal. A final comeback of Muslim forces was defeated at the battle of Salado (1340) by allied Castilian and Portuguese forces. In the emerging Kingdom of Portugal, the monarch gradually gained power over and neutralized the nobility and the Church.
       The historic and commonplace Portuguese saying "From Spain, neither a good wind nor a good marriage" was literally played out in diplomacy and war in the late 14th-century struggles for mastery in the peninsula. Larger, more populous Castile was pitted against smaller Portugal. Castile's Juan I intended to force a union between Castile and Portugal during this era of confusion and conflict. In late 1383, Portugal's King Fernando, the last king of the Burgundian dynasty, suddenly died prematurely at age 38, and the Master of Aviz, Portugal's most powerful nobleman, took up the cause of independence and resistance against Castile's invasion. The Master of Aviz, who became King João I of Portugal, was able to obtain foreign assistance. With the aid of English archers, Joao's armies defeated the Castilians in the crucial battle of Aljubarrota, on 14 August 1385, a victory that assured the independence of the Portuguese monarchy from its Castilian nemesis for several centuries.
       Aviz Dynasty and Portugal's First Overseas Empire, 1385-1580
       The results of the victory at Aljubarrota, much celebrated in Portugal's art and monuments, and the rise of the Aviz dynasty also helped to establish a new merchant class in Lisbon and Oporto, Portugal's second city. This group supported King João I's program of carrying the Reconquest to North Africa, since it was interested in expanding Portugal's foreign commerce and tapping into Muslim trade routes and resources in Africa. With the Reconquest against the Muslims completed in Portugal and the threat from Castile thwarted for the moment, the Aviz dynasty launched an era of overseas conquest, exploration, and trade. These efforts dominated Portugal's 15th and 16th centuries.
       The overseas empire and age of Discoveries began with Portugal's bold conquest in 1415 of the Moroccan city of Ceuta. One royal member of the 1415 expedition was young, 21-year-old Prince Henry, later known in history as "Prince Henry the Navigator." His part in the capture of Ceuta won Henry his knighthood and began Portugal's "Marvelous Century," during which the small kingdom was counted as a European and world power of consequence. Henry was the son of King João I and his English queen, Philippa of Lancaster, but he did not inherit the throne. Instead, he spent most of his life and his fortune, and that of the wealthy military Order of Christ, on various imperial ventures and on voyages of exploration down the African coast and into the Atlantic. While mythology has surrounded Henry's controversial role in the Discoveries, and this role has been exaggerated, there is no doubt that he played a vital part in the initiation of Portugal's first overseas empire and in encouraging exploration. He was naturally curious, had a sense of mission for Portugal, and was a strong leader. He also had wealth to expend; at least a third of the African voyages of the time were under his sponsorship. If Prince Henry himself knew little science, significant scientific advances in navigation were made in his day.
       What were Portugal's motives for this new imperial effort? The well-worn historical cliche of "God, Glory, and Gold" can only partly explain the motivation of a small kingdom with few natural resources and barely 1 million people, which was greatly outnumbered by the other powers it confronted. Among Portuguese objectives were the desire to exploit known North African trade routes and resources (gold, wheat, leather, weaponry, and other goods that were scarce in Iberia); the need to outflank the Muslim world in the Mediterranean by sailing around Africa, attacking Muslims en route; and the wish to ally with Christian kingdoms beyond Africa. This enterprise also involved a strategy of breaking the Venetian spice monopoly by trading directly with the East by means of discovering and exploiting a sea route around Africa to Asia. Besides the commercial motives, Portugal nurtured a strong crusading sense of Christian mission, and various classes in the kingdom saw an opportunity for fame and gain.
       By the time of Prince Henry's death in 1460, Portugal had gained control of the Atlantic archipelagos of the Azores and Madeiras, begun to colonize the Cape Verde Islands, failed to conquer the Canary Islands from Castile, captured various cities on Morocco's coast, and explored as far as Senegal, West Africa, down the African coast. By 1488, Bar-tolomeu Dias had rounded the Cape of Good Hope in South Africa and thereby discovered the way to the Indian Ocean.
       Portugal's largely coastal African empire and later its fragile Asian empire brought unexpected wealth but were purchased at a high price. Costs included wars of conquest and defense against rival powers, manning the far-flung navel and trade fleets and scattered castle-fortresses, and staffing its small but fierce armies, all of which entailed a loss of skills and population to maintain a scattered empire. Always short of capital, the monarchy became indebted to bankers. There were many defeats beginning in the 16th century at the hands of the larger imperial European monarchies (Spain, France, England, and Holland) and many attacks on Portugal and its strung-out empire. Typically, there was also the conflict that arose when a tenuously held world empire that rarely if ever paid its way demanded finance and manpower Portugal itself lacked.
       The first 80 years of the glorious imperial era, the golden age of Portugal's imperial power and world influence, was an African phase. During 1415-88, Portuguese navigators and explorers in small ships, some of them caravelas (caravels), explored the treacherous, disease-ridden coasts of Africa from Morocco to South Africa beyond the Cape of Good Hope. By the 1470s, the Portuguese had reached the Gulf of Guinea and, in the early 1480s, what is now Angola. Bartolomeu Dias's extraordinary voyage of 1487-88 to South Africa's coast and the edge of the Indian Ocean convinced Portugal that the best route to Asia's spices and Christians lay south, around the tip of southern Africa. Between 1488 and 1495, there was a hiatus caused in part by domestic conflict in Portugal, discussion of resources available for further conquests beyond Africa in Asia, and serious questions as to Portugal's capacity to reach beyond Africa. In 1495, King Manuel and his council decided to strike for Asia, whatever the consequences. In 1497-99, Vasco da Gama, under royal orders, made the epic two-year voyage that discovered the sea route to western India (Asia), outflanked Islam and Venice, and began Portugal's Asian empire. Within 50 years, Portugal had discovered and begun the exploitation of its largest colony, Brazil, and set up forts and trading posts from the Middle East (Aden and Ormuz), India (Calicut, Goa, etc.), Malacca, and Indonesia to Macau in China.
       By the 1550s, parts of its largely coastal, maritime trading post empire from Morocco to the Moluccas were under siege from various hostile forces, including Muslims, Christians, and Hindi. Although Moroccan forces expelled the Portuguese from the major coastal cities by 1550, the rival European monarchies of Castile (Spain), England, France, and later Holland began to seize portions of her undermanned, outgunned maritime empire.
       In 1580, Phillip II of Spain, whose mother was a Portuguese princess and who had a strong claim to the Portuguese throne, invaded Portugal, claimed the throne, and assumed control over the realm and, by extension, its African, Asian, and American empires. Phillip II filled the power vacuum that appeared in Portugal following the loss of most of Portugal's army and its young, headstrong King Sebastião in a disastrous war in Morocco. Sebastiao's death in battle (1578) and the lack of a natural heir to succeed him, as well as the weak leadership of the cardinal who briefly assumed control in Lisbon, led to a crisis that Spain's strong monarch exploited. As a result, Portugal lost its independence to Spain for a period of 60 years.
       Portugal under Spanish Rule, 1580-1640
       Despite the disastrous nature of Portugal's experience under Spanish rule, "The Babylonian Captivity" gave birth to modern Portuguese nationalism, its second overseas empire, and its modern alliance system with England. Although Spain allowed Portugal's weakened empire some autonomy, Spanish rule in Portugal became increasingly burdensome and unacceptable. Spain's ambitious imperial efforts in Europe and overseas had an impact on the Portuguese as Spain made greater and greater demands on its smaller neighbor for manpower and money. Portugal's culture underwent a controversial Castilianization, while its empire became hostage to Spain's fortunes. New rival powers England, France, and Holland attacked and took parts of Spain's empire and at the same time attacked Portugal's empire, as well as the mother country.
       Portugal's empire bore the consequences of being attacked by Spain's bitter enemies in what was a form of world war. Portuguese losses were heavy. By 1640, Portugal had lost most of its Moroccan cities as well as Ceylon, the Moluccas, and sections of India. With this, Portugal's Asian empire was gravely weakened. Only Goa, Damão, Diu, Bombay, Timor, and Macau remained and, in Brazil, Dutch forces occupied the northeast.
       On 1 December 1640, long commemorated as a national holiday, Portuguese rebels led by the duke of Braganza overthrew Spanish domination and took advantage of Spanish weakness following a more serious rebellion in Catalonia. Portugal regained independence from Spain, but at a price: dependence on foreign assistance to maintain its independence in the form of the renewal of the alliance with England.
       Restoration and Second Empire, 1640-1822
       Foreign affairs and empire dominated the restoration era and aftermath, and Portugal again briefly enjoyed greater European power and prestige. The Anglo-Portuguese Alliance was renewed and strengthened in treaties of 1642, 1654, and 1661, and Portugal's independence from Spain was underwritten by English pledges and armed assistance. In a Luso-Spanish treaty of 1668, Spain recognized Portugal's independence. Portugal's alliance with England was a marriage of convenience and necessity between two monarchies with important religious, cultural, and social differences. In return for legal, diplomatic, and trade privileges, as well as the use during war and peace of Portugal's great Lisbon harbor and colonial ports for England's navy, England pledged to protect Portugal and its scattered empire from any attack. The previously cited 17th-century alliance treaties were renewed later in the Treaty of Windsor, signed in London in 1899. On at least 10 different occasions after 1640, and during the next two centuries, England was central in helping prevent or repel foreign invasions of its ally, Portugal.
       Portugal's second empire (1640-1822) was largely Brazil-oriented. Portuguese colonization, exploitation of wealth, and emigration focused on Portuguese America, and imperial revenues came chiefly from Brazil. Between 1670 and 1740, Portugal's royalty and nobility grew wealthier on funds derived from Brazilian gold, diamonds, sugar, tobacco, and other crops, an enterprise supported by the Atlantic slave trade and the supply of African slave labor from West Africa and Angola. Visitors today can see where much of that wealth was invested: Portugal's rich legacy of monumental architecture. Meanwhile, the African slave trade took a toll in Angola and West Africa.
       In continental Portugal, absolutist monarchy dominated politics and government, and there was a struggle for position and power between the monarchy and other institutions, such as the Church and nobility. King José I's chief minister, usually known in history as the marquis of Pombal (ruled 1750-77), sharply suppressed the nobility and the
       Church (including the Inquisition, now a weak institution) and expelled the Jesuits. Pombal also made an effort to reduce economic dependence on England, Portugal's oldest ally. But his successes did not last much beyond his disputed time in office.
       Beginning in the late 18th century, the European-wide impact of the French Revolution and the rise of Napoleon placed Portugal in a vulnerable position. With the monarchy ineffectively led by an insane queen (Maria I) and her indecisive regent son (João VI), Portugal again became the focus of foreign ambition and aggression. With England unable to provide decisive assistance in time, France—with Spain's consent—invaded Portugal in 1807. As Napoleon's army under General Junot entered Lisbon meeting no resistance, Portugal's royal family fled on a British fleet to Brazil, where it remained in exile until 1821. In the meantime, Portugal's overseas empire was again under threat. There was a power vacuum as the monarch was absent, foreign armies were present, and new political notions of liberalism and constitutional monarchy were exciting various groups of citizens.
       Again England came to the rescue, this time in the form of the armies of the duke of Wellington. Three successive French invasions of Portugal were defeated and expelled, and Wellington succeeded in carrying the war against Napoleon across the Portuguese frontier into Spain. The presence of the English army, the new French-born liberal ideas, and the political vacuum combined to create revolutionary conditions. The French invasions and the peninsular wars, where Portuguese armed forces played a key role, marked the beginning of a new era in politics.
       Liberalism and Constitutional Monarchy, 1822-1910
       During 1807-22, foreign invasions, war, and civil strife over conflicting political ideas gravely damaged Portugal's commerce, economy, and novice industry. The next terrible blow was the loss of Brazil in 1822, the jewel in the imperial crown. Portugal's very independence seemed to be at risk. In vain, Portugal sought to resist Brazilian independence by force, but in 1825 it formally acknowledged Brazilian independence by treaty.
       Portugal's slow recovery from the destructive French invasions and the "war of independence" was complicated by civil strife over the form of constitutional monarchy that best suited Portugal. After struggles over these issues between 1820 and 1834, Portugal settled somewhat uncertainly into a moderate constitutional monarchy whose constitution (Charter of 1826) lent it strong political powers to exert a moderating influence between the executive and legislative branches of the government. It also featured a new upper middle class based on land ownership and commerce; a Catholic Church that, although still important, lived with reduced privileges and property; a largely African (third) empire to which Lisbon and Oporto devoted increasing spiritual and material resources, starting with the liberal imperial plans of 1836 and 1851, and continuing with the work of institutions like the Lisbon Society of Geography (established 1875); and a mass of rural peasants whose bonds to the land weakened after 1850 and who began to immigrate in increasing numbers to Brazil and North America.
       Chronic military intervention in national politics began in 19th-century Portugal. Such intervention, usually commencing with coups or pronunciamentos (military revolts), was a shortcut to the spoils of political office and could reflect popular discontent as well as the power of personalities. An early example of this was the 1817 golpe (coup) attempt of General Gomes Freire against British military rule in Portugal before the return of King João VI from Brazil. Except for a more stable period from 1851 to 1880, military intervention in politics, or the threat thereof, became a feature of the constitutional monarchy's political life, and it continued into the First Republic and the subsequent Estado Novo.
       Beginning with the Regeneration period (1851-80), Portugal experienced greater political stability and economic progress. Military intervention in politics virtually ceased; industrialization and construction of railroads, roads, and bridges proceeded; two political parties (Regenerators and Historicals) worked out a system of rotation in power; and leading intellectuals sparked a cultural revival in several fields. In 19th-century literature, there was a new golden age led by such figures as Alexandre Herculano (historian), Eça de Queirós (novelist), Almeida Garrett (playwright and essayist), Antero de Quental (poet), and Joaquim Oliveira Martins (historian and social scientist). In its third overseas empire, Portugal attempted to replace the slave trade and slavery with legitimate economic activities; to reform the administration; and to expand Portuguese holdings beyond coastal footholds deep into the African hinterlands in West, West Central, and East Africa. After 1841, to some extent, and especially after 1870, colonial affairs, combined with intense nationalism, pressures for economic profit in Africa, sentiment for national revival, and the drift of European affairs would make or break Lisbon governments.
       Beginning with the political crisis that arose out of the "English Ultimatum" affair of January 1890, the monarchy became discredtted and identified with the poorly functioning government, political parties splintered, and republicanism found more supporters. Portugal participated in the "Scramble for Africa," expanding its African holdings, but failed to annex territory connecting Angola and Mozambique. A growing foreign debt and state bankruptcy as of the early 1890s damaged the constitutional monarchy's reputation, despite the efforts of King Carlos in diplomacy, the renewal of the alliance in the Windsor Treaty of 1899, and the successful if bloody colonial wars in the empire (1880-97). Republicanism proclaimed that Portugal's weak economy and poor society were due to two historic institutions: the monarchy and the Catholic Church. A republic, its stalwarts claimed, would bring greater individual liberty; efficient, if more decentralized government; and a stronger colonial program while stripping the Church of its role in both society and education.
       As the monarchy lost support and republicans became more aggressive, violence increased in politics. King Carlos I and his heir Luís were murdered in Lisbon by anarchist-republicans on 1 February 1908. Following a military and civil insurrection and fighting between monarchist and republican forces, on 5 October 1910, King Manuel II fled Portugal and a republic was proclaimed.
       First Parliamentary Republic, 1910-26
       Portugal's first attempt at republican government was the most unstable, turbulent parliamentary republic in the history of 20th-century Western Europe. During a little under 16 years of the republic, there were 45 governments, a number of legislatures that did not complete normal terms, military coups, and only one president who completed his four-year term in office. Portuguese society was poorly prepared for this political experiment. Among the deadly legacies of the monarchy were a huge public debt; a largely rural, apolitical, and illiterate peasant population; conflict over the causes of the country's misfortunes; and lack of experience with a pluralist, democratic system.
       The republic had some talented leadership but lacked popular, institutional, and economic support. The 1911 republican constitution established only a limited democracy, as only a small portion of the adult male citizenry was eligible to vote. In a country where the majority was Catholic, the republic passed harshly anticlerical laws, and its institutions and supporters persecuted both the Church and its adherents. During its brief disjointed life, the First Republic drafted important reform plans in economic, social, and educational affairs; actively promoted development in the empire; and pursued a liberal, generous foreign policy. Following British requests for Portugal's assistance in World War I, Portugal entered the war on the Allied side in March 1916 and sent armies to Flanders and Portuguese Africa. Portugal's intervention in that conflict, however, was too costly in many respects, and the ultimate failure of the republic in part may be ascribed to Portugal's World War I activities.
       Unfortunately for the republic, its time coincided with new threats to Portugal's African possessions: World War I, social and political demands from various classes that could not be reconciled, excessive military intervention in politics, and, in particular, the worst economic and financial crisis Portugal had experienced since the 16th and 17th centuries. After the original Portuguese Republican Party (PRP, also known as the "Democrats") splintered into three warring groups in 1912, no true multiparty system emerged. The Democrats, except for only one or two elections, held an iron monopoly of electoral power, and political corruption became a major issue. As extreme right-wing dictatorships elsewhere in Europe began to take power in Italy (1922), neighboring Spain (1923), and Greece (1925), what scant popular support remained for the republic collapsed. Backed by a right-wing coalition of landowners from Alentejo, clergy, Coimbra University faculty and students, Catholic organizations, and big business, career military officers led by General Gomes da Costa executed a coup on 28 May 1926, turned out the last republican government, and established a military government.
       The Estado Novo (New State), 1926-74
       During the military phase (1926-32) of the Estado Novo, professional military officers, largely from the army, governed and administered Portugal and held key cabinet posts, but soon discovered that the military possessed no magic formula that could readily solve the problems inherited from the First Republic. Especially during the years 1926-31, the military dictatorship, even with its political repression of republican activities and institutions (military censorship of the press, political police action, and closure of the republic's rowdy parliament), was characterized by similar weaknesses: personalism and factionalism; military coups and political instability, including civil strife and loss of life; state debt and bankruptcy; and a weak economy. "Barracks parliamentarism" was not an acceptable alternative even to the "Nightmare Republic."
       Led by General Óscar Carmona, who had replaced and sent into exile General Gomes da Costa, the military dictatorship turned to a civilian expert in finance and economics to break the budget impasse and bring coherence to the disorganized system. Appointed minister of finance on 27 April 1928, the Coimbra University Law School professor of economics Antônio de Oliveira Salazar (1889-1970) first reformed finance, helped balance the budget, and then turned to other concerns as he garnered extraordinary governing powers. In 1930, he was appointed interim head of another key ministry (Colonies) and within a few years had become, in effect, a civilian dictator who, with the military hierarchy's support, provided the government with coherence, a program, and a set of policies.
       For nearly 40 years after he was appointed the first civilian prime minister in 1932, Salazar's personality dominated the government. Unlike extreme right-wing dictators elsewhere in Europe, Salazar was directly appointed by the army but was never endorsed by a popular political party, street militia, or voter base. The scholarly, reclusive former Coimbra University professor built up what became known after 1932 as the Estado Novo ("New State"), which at the time of its overthrow by another military coup in 1974, was the longest surviving authoritarian regime in Western Europe. The system of Salazar and the largely academic and technocratic ruling group he gathered in his cabinets was based on the central bureaucracy of the state, which was supported by the president of the republic—always a senior career military officer, General Óscar Carmona (1928-51), General Craveiro Lopes (1951-58), and Admiral Américo Tómaz (1958-74)—and the complicity of various institutions. These included a rubber-stamp legislature called the National Assembly (1935-74) and a political police known under various names: PVDE (1932-45), PIDE (1945-69),
       and DGS (1969-74). Other defenders of the Estado Novo security were paramilitary organizations such as the National Republican Guard (GNR); the Portuguese Legion (PL); and the Portuguese Youth [Movement]. In addition to censorship of the media, theater, and books, there was political repression and a deliberate policy of depoliticization. All political parties except for the approved movement of regime loyalists, the União Nacional or (National Union), were banned.
       The most vigorous and more popular period of the New State was 1932-44, when the basic structures were established. Never monolithic or entirely the work of one person (Salazar), the New State was constructed with the assistance of several dozen top associates who were mainly academics from law schools, some technocrats with specialized skills, and a handful of trusted career military officers. The 1933 Constitution declared Portugal to be a "unitary, corporative Republic," and pressures to restore the monarchy were resisted. Although some of the regime's followers were fascists and pseudofascists, many more were conservative Catholics, integralists, nationalists, and monarchists of different varieties, and even some reactionary republicans. If the New State was authoritarian, it was not totalitarian and, unlike fascism in Benito Mussolini's Italy or Adolf Hitler's Germany, it usually employed the minimum of violence necessary to defeat what remained a largely fractious, incoherent opposition.
       With the tumultuous Second Republic and the subsequent civil war in nearby Spain, the regime felt threatened and reinforced its defenses. During what Salazar rightly perceived as a time of foreign policy crisis for Portugal (1936-45), he assumed control of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. From there, he pursued four basic foreign policy objectives: supporting the Nationalist rebels of General Francisco Franco in the Spanish Civil War (1936-39) and concluding defense treaties with a triumphant Franco; ensuring that General Franco in an exhausted Spain did not enter World War II on the Axis side; maintaining Portuguese neutrality in World War II with a post-1942 tilt toward the Allies, including granting Britain and the United States use of bases in the Azores Islands; and preserving and protecting Portugal's Atlantic Islands and its extensive, if poor, overseas empire in Africa and Asia.
       During the middle years of the New State (1944-58), many key Salazar associates in government either died or resigned, and there was greater social unrest in the form of unprecedented strikes and clandestine Communist activities, intensified opposition, and new threatening international pressures on Portugal's overseas empire. During the earlier phase of the Cold War (1947-60), Portugal became a steadfast, if weak, member of the US-dominated North Atlantic Treaty Organization alliance and, in 1955, with American support, Portugal joined the United Nations (UN). Colonial affairs remained a central concern of the regime. As of 1939, Portugal was the third largest colonial power in the world and possessed territories in tropical Africa (Angola, Mozambique, Guinea-Bissau, and São Tomé and Príncipe Islands) and the remnants of its 16th-century empire in Asia (Goa, Damão, Diu, East Timor, and Macau). Beginning in the early 1950s, following the independence of India in 1947, Portugal resisted Indian pressures to decolonize Portuguese India and used police forces to discourage internal opposition in its Asian and African colonies.
       The later years of the New State (1958-68) witnessed the aging of the increasingly isolated but feared Salazar and new threats both at home and overseas. Although the regime easily overcame the brief oppositionist threat from rival presidential candidate General Humberto Delgado in the spring of 1958, new developments in the African and Asian empires imperiled the authoritarian system. In February 1961, oppositionists hijacked the Portuguese ocean liner Santa Maria and, in following weeks, African insurgents in northern Angola, although they failed to expel the Portuguese, gained worldwide media attention, discredited the New State, and began the 13-year colonial war. After thwarting a dissident military coup against his continued leadership, Salazar and his ruling group mobilized military repression in Angola and attempted to develop the African colonies at a faster pace in order to ensure Portuguese control. Meanwhile, the other European colonial powers (Britain, France, Belgium, and Spain) rapidly granted political independence to their African territories.
       At the time of Salazar's removal from power in September 1968, following a stroke, Portugal's efforts to maintain control over its colonies appeared to be successful. President Americo Tomás appointed Dr. Marcello Caetano as Salazar's successor as prime minister. While maintaining the New State's basic structures, and continuing the regime's essential colonial policy, Caetano attempted wider reforms in colonial administration and some devolution of power from Lisbon, as well as more freedom of expression in Lisbon. Still, a great deal of the budget was devoted to supporting the wars against the insurgencies in Africa. Meanwhile in Asia, Portuguese India had fallen when the Indian army invaded in December 1961. The loss of Goa was a psychological blow to the leadership of the New State, and of the Asian empire only East Timor and Macau remained.
       The Caetano years (1968-74) were but a hiatus between the waning Salazar era and a new regime. There was greater political freedom and rapid economic growth (5-6 percent annually to late 1973), but Caetano's government was unable to reform the old system thoroughly and refused to consider new methods either at home or in the empire. In the end, regime change came from junior officers of the professional military who organized the Armed Forces Movement (MFA) against the Caetano government. It was this group of several hundred officers, mainly in the army and navy, which engineered a largely bloodless coup in Lisbon on 25 April 1974. Their unexpected action brought down the 48-year-old New State and made possible the eventual establishment and consolidation of democratic governance in Portugal, as well as a reorientation of the country away from the Atlantic toward Europe.
       Revolution of Carnations, 1974-76
       Following successful military operations of the Armed Forces Movement against the Caetano government, Portugal experienced what became known as the "Revolution of Carnations." It so happened that during the rainy week of the military golpe, Lisbon flower shops were featuring carnations, and the revolutionaries and their supporters adopted the red carnation as the common symbol of the event, as well as of the new freedom from dictatorship. The MFA, whose leaders at first were mostly little-known majors and captains, proclaimed a three-fold program of change for the new Portugal: democracy; decolonization of the overseas empire, after ending the colonial wars; and developing a backward economy in the spirit of opportunity and equality. During the first 24 months after the coup, there was civil strife, some anarchy, and a power struggle. With the passing of the Estado Novo, public euphoria burst forth as the new provisional military government proclaimed the freedoms of speech, press, and assembly, and abolished censorship, the political police, the Portuguese Legion, Portuguese Youth, and other New State organizations, including the National Union. Scores of political parties were born and joined the senior political party, the Portuguese Community Party (PCP), and the Socialist Party (PS), founded shortly before the coup.
       Portugal's Revolution of Carnations went through several phases. There was an attempt to take control by radical leftists, including the PCP and its allies. This was thwarted by moderate officers in the army, as well as by the efforts of two political parties: the PS and the Social Democrats (PPD, later PSD). The first phase was from April to September 1974. Provisional president General Antonio Spínola, whose 1974 book Portugal and the Future had helped prepare public opinion for the coup, met irresistible leftist pressures. After Spinola's efforts to avoid rapid decolonization of the African empire failed, he resigned in September 1974. During the second phase, from September 1974 to March 1975, radical military officers gained control, but a coup attempt by General Spínola and his supporters in Lisbon in March 1975 failed and Spínola fled to Spain.
       In the third phase of the Revolution, March-November 1975, a strong leftist reaction followed. Farm workers occupied and "nationalized" 1.1 million hectares of farmland in the Alentejo province, and radical military officers in the provisional government ordered the nationalization of Portuguese banks (foreign banks were exempted), utilities, and major industries, or about 60 percent of the economic system. There were power struggles among various political parties — a total of 50 emerged—and in the streets there was civil strife among labor, military, and law enforcement groups. A constituent assembly, elected on 25 April 1975, in Portugal's first free elections since 1926, drafted a democratic constitution. The Council of the Revolution (CR), briefly a revolutionary military watchdog committee, was entrenched as part of the government under the constitution, until a later revision. During the chaotic year of 1975, about 30 persons were killed in political frays while unstable provisional governments came and went. On 25 November 1975, moderate military forces led by Colonel Ramalho Eanes, who later was twice elected president of the republic (1976 and 1981), defeated radical, leftist military groups' revolutionary conspiracies.
       In the meantime, Portugal's scattered overseas empire experienced a precipitous and unprepared decolonization. One by one, the former colonies were granted and accepted independence—Guinea-Bissau (September 1974), Cape Verde Islands (July 1975), and Mozambique (July 1975). Portugal offered to turn over Macau to the People's Republic of China, but the offer was refused then and later negotiations led to the establishment of a formal decolonization or hand-over date of 1999. But in two former colonies, the process of decolonization had tragic results.
       In Angola, decolonization negotiations were greatly complicated by the fact that there were three rival nationalist movements in a struggle for power. The January 1975 Alvor Agreement signed by Portugal and these three parties was not effectively implemented. A bloody civil war broke out in Angola in the spring of 1975 and, when Portuguese armed forces withdrew and declared that Angola was independent on 11 November 1975, the bloodshed only increased. Meanwhile, most of the white Portuguese settlers from Angola and Mozambique fled during the course of 1975. Together with African refugees, more than 600,000 of these retornados ("returned ones") went by ship and air to Portugal and thousands more to Namibia, South Africa, Brazil, Canada, and the United States.
       The second major decolonization disaster was in Portugal's colony of East Timor in the Indonesian archipelago. Portugal's capacity to supervise and control a peaceful transition to independence in this isolated, neglected colony was limited by the strength of giant Indonesia, distance from Lisbon, and Portugal's revolutionary disorder and inability to defend Timor. In early December 1975, before Portugal granted formal independence and as one party, FRETILIN, unilaterally declared East Timor's independence, Indonesia's armed forces invaded, conquered, and annexed East Timor. Indonesian occupation encountered East Timorese resistance, and a heavy loss of life followed. The East Timor question remained a contentious international issue in the UN, as well as in Lisbon and Jakarta, for more than 20 years following Indonesia's invasion and annexation of the former colony of Portugal. Major changes occurred, beginning in 1998, after Indonesia underwent a political revolution and allowed a referendum in East Timor to decide that territory's political future in August 1999. Most East Timorese chose independence, but Indonesian forces resisted that verdict until
       UN intervention in September 1999. Following UN rule for several years, East Timor attained full independence on 20 May 2002.
       Consolidation of Democracy, 1976-2000
       After several free elections and record voter turnouts between 25 April 1975 and June 1976, civil war was averted and Portugal's second democratic republic began to stabilize. The MFA was dissolved, the military were returned to the barracks, and increasingly elected civilians took over the government of the country. The 1976 Constitution was revised several times beginning in 1982 and 1989, in order to reempha-size the principle of free enterprise in the economy while much of the large, nationalized sector was privatized. In June 1976, General Ram-alho Eanes was elected the first constitutional president of the republic (five-year term), and he appointed socialist leader Dr. Mário Soares as prime minister of the first constitutional government.
       From 1976 to 1985, Portugal's new system featured a weak economy and finances, labor unrest, and administrative and political instability. The difficult consolidation of democratic governance was eased in part by the strong currency and gold reserves inherited from the Estado Novo, but Lisbon seemed unable to cope with high unemployment, new debt, the complex impact of the refugees from Africa, world recession, and the agitation of political parties. Four major parties emerged from the maelstrom of 1974-75, except for the Communist Party, all newly founded. They were, from left to right, the Communists (PCP); the Socialists (PS), who managed to dominate governments and the legislature but not win a majority in the Assembly of the Republic; the Social Democrats (PSD); and the Christian Democrats (CDS). During this period, the annual growth rate was low (l-2 percent), and the nationalized sector of the economy stagnated.
       Enhanced economic growth, greater political stability, and more effective central government as of 1985, and especially 1987, were due to several developments. In 1977, Portugal applied for membership in the European Economic Community (EEC), now the European Union (EU) since 1993. In January 1986, with Spain, Portugal was granted membership, and economic and financial progress in the intervening years has been significantly influenced by the comparatively large investment, loans, technology, advice, and other assistance from the EEC. Low unemployment, high annual growth rates (5 percent), and moderate inflation have also been induced by the new political and administrative stability in Lisbon. Led by Prime Minister Cavaco Silva, an economist who was trained abroad, the PSD's strong organization, management, and electoral support since 1985 have assisted in encouraging economic recovery and development. In 1985, the PSD turned the PS out of office and won the general election, although they did not have an absolute majority of assembly seats. In 1986, Mário Soares was elected president of the republic, the first civilian to hold that office since the First Republic. In the elections of 1987 and 1991, however, the PSD was returned to power with clear majorities of over 50 percent of the vote.
       Although the PSD received 50.4 percent of the vote in the 1991 parliamentary elections and held a 42-seat majority in the Assembly of the Republic, the party began to lose public support following media revelations regarding corruption and complaints about Prime Minister Cavaco Silva's perceived arrogant leadership style. President Mário Soares voiced criticism of the PSD's seemingly untouchable majority and described a "tyranny of the majority." Economic growth slowed down. In the parliamentary elections of 1995 and the presidential election of 1996, the PSD's dominance ended for the time being. Prime Minister Antônio Guterres came to office when the PS won the October 1995 elections, and in the subsequent presidential contest, in January 1996, socialist Jorge Sampaio, the former mayor of Lisbon, was elected president of the republic, thus defeating Cavaco Silva's bid. Young and popular, Guterres moved the PS toward the center of the political spectrum. Under Guterres, the PS won the October 1999 parliamentary elections. The PS defeated the PSD but did not manage to win a clear, working majority of seats, and this made the PS dependent upon alliances with smaller parties, including the PCP.
       In the local elections in December 2001, the PSD's criticism of PS's heavy public spending allowed the PSD to take control of the key cities of Lisbon, Oporto, and Coimbra. Guterres resigned, and parliamentary elections were brought forward from 2004 to March 2002. The PSD won a narrow victory with 40 percent of the votes, and Jose Durão Barroso became prime minister. Having failed to win a majority of the seats in parliament forced the PSD to govern in coalition with the right-wing Popular Party (PP) led by Paulo Portas. Durão Barroso set about reducing government spending by cutting the budgets of local authorities, freezing civil service hiring, and reviving the economy by accelerating privatization of state-owned enterprises. These measures provoked a 24-hour strike by public-sector workers. Durão Barroso reacted with vows to press ahead with budget-cutting measures and imposed a wage freeze on all employees earning more than €1,000, which affected more than one-half of Portugal's work force.
       In June 2004, Durão Barroso was invited by Romano Prodi to succeed him as president of the European Commission. Durão Barroso accepted and resigned the prime ministership in July. Pedro Santana Lopes, the leader of the PSD, became prime minister. Already unpopular at the time of Durão Barroso's resignation, the PSD-led government became increasingly unpopular under Santana Lopes. A month-long delay in the start of the school year and confusion over his plan to cut taxes and raise public-sector salaries, eroded confidence even more. By November, Santana Lopes's government was so unpopular that President Jorge Sampaio was obliged to dissolve parliament and hold new elections, two years ahead of schedule.
       Parliamentary elections were held on 20 February 2005. The PS, which had promised the electorate disciplined and transparent governance, educational reform, the alleviation of poverty, and a boost in employment, won 45 percent of the vote and the majority of the seats in parliament. The leader of the PS, José Sôcrates became prime minister on 12 March 2005. In the regularly scheduled presidential elections held on 6 January 2006, the former leader of the PSD and prime minister, Aníbal Cavaco Silva, won a narrow victory and became president on 9 March 2006. With a mass protest, public teachers' strike, and street demonstrations in March 2008, Portugal's media, educational, and social systems experienced more severe pressures. With the spreading global recession beginning in September 2008, Portugal's economic and financial systems became more troubled.
       Owing to its geographic location on the southwestern most edge of continental Europe, Portugal has been historically in but not of Europe. Almost from the beginning of its existence in the 12th century as an independent monarchy, Portugal turned its back on Europe and oriented itself toward the Atlantic Ocean. After carving out a Christian kingdom on the western portion of the Iberian peninsula, Portuguese kings gradually built and maintained a vast seaborne global empire that became central to the way Portugal understood its individuality as a nation-state. While the creation of this empire allows Portugal to claim an unusual number of "firsts" or distinctions in world and Western history, it also retarded Portugal's economic, social, and political development. It can be reasonably argued that the Revolution of 25 April 1974 was the most decisive event in Portugal's long history because it finally ended Portugal's oceanic mission and view of itself as an imperial power. After the 1974 Revolution, Portugal turned away from its global mission and vigorously reoriented itself toward Europe. Contemporary Portugal is now both in and of Europe.
       The turn toward Europe began immediately after 25 April 1974. Portugal granted independence to its African colonies in 1975. It was admitted to the European Council and took the first steps toward accession to the European Economic Community (EEC) in 1976. On 28 March 1977, the Portuguese government officially applied for EEC membership. Because of Portugal's economic and social backwardness, which would require vast sums of EEC money to overcome, negotiations for membership were long and difficult. Finally, a treaty of accession was signed on 12 June 1985. Portugal officially joined the EEC (the European Union [EU] since 1993) on 1 January 1986. Since becoming a full-fledged member of the EU, Portugal has been steadily overcoming the economic and social underdevelopment caused by its imperial past and is becoming more like the rest of Europe.
       Membership in the EU has speeded up the structural transformation of Portugal's economy, which actually began during the Estado Novo. Investments made by the Estado Novo in Portugal's economy began to shift employment out of the agricultural sector, which, in 1950, accounted for 50 percent of Portugal's economically active population. Today, only 10 percent of the economically active population is employed in the agricultural sector (the highest among EU member states); 30 percent in the industrial sector (also the highest among EU member states); and 60 percent in the service sector (the lowest among EU member states). The economically active population numbers about 5,000,000 employed, 56 percent of whom are women. Women workers are the majority of the workforce in the agricultural and service sectors (the highest among the EU member states). The expansion of the service sector has been primarily in health care and education. Portugal has had the lowest unemployment rates among EU member states, with the overall rate never being more than 10 percent of the active population. Since joining the EU, the number of employers increased from 2.6 percent to 5.8 percent of the active population; self-employed from 16 to 19 percent; and employees from 65 to 70 percent. Twenty-six percent of the employers are women. Unemployment tends to hit younger workers in industry and transportation, women employed in domestic service, workers on short-term contracts, and poorly educated workers. Salaried workers earn only 63 percent of the EU average, and hourly workers only one-third to one-half of that earned by their EU counterparts. Despite having had the second highest growth of gross national product (GNP) per inhabitant (after Ireland) among EU member states, the above data suggest that while much has been accomplished in terms of modernizing the Portuguese economy, much remains to be done to bring Portugal's economy up to the level of the "average" EU member state.
       Membership in the EU has also speeded up changes in Portuguese society. Over the last 30 years, coastalization and urbanization have intensified. Fully 50 percent of Portuguese live in the coastal urban conurbations of Lisbon, Oporto, Braga, Aveiro, Coimbra, Viseu, Évora, and Faro. The Portuguese population is one of the oldest among EU member states (17.3 percent are 65 years of age or older) thanks to a considerable increase in life expectancy at birth (77.87 years for the total population, 74.6 years for men, 81.36 years for women) and one of the lowest birthrates (10.59 births/1,000) in Europe. Family size averages 2.8 persons per household, with the strict nuclear family (one or two generations) in which both parents work being typical. Common law marriages, cohabitating couples, and single-parent households are more and more common. The divorce rate has also increased. "Youth Culture" has developed. The young have their own meeting places, leisure-time activities, and nightlife (bars, clubs, and discos).
       All Portuguese citizens, whether they have contributed or not, have a right to an old-age pension, invalidity benefits, widowed persons' pension, as well as payments for disabilities, children, unemployment, and large families. There is a national minimum wage (€385 per month), which is low by EU standards. The rapid aging of Portugal's population has changed the ratio of contributors to pensioners to 1.7, the lowest in the EU. This has created deficits in Portugal's social security fund.
       The adult literacy rate is about 92 percent. Illiteracy is still found among the elderly. Although universal compulsory education up to grade 9 was achieved in 1980, only 21.2 percent of the population aged 25-64 had undergone secondary education, compared to an EU average of 65.7 percent. Portugal's higher education system currently consists of 14 state universities and 14 private universities, 15 state polytechnic institutions, one Catholic university, and one military academy. All in all, Portugal spends a greater percentage of its state budget on education than most EU member states. Despite this high level of expenditure, the troubled Portuguese education system does not perform well. Early leaving and repetition rates are among the highest among EU member states.
       After the Revolution of 25 April 1974, Portugal created a National Health Service, which today consists of 221 hospitals and 512 medical centers employing 33,751 doctors and 41,799 nurses. Like its education system, Portugal's medical system is inefficient. There are long waiting lists for appointments with specialists and for surgical procedures.
       Structural changes in Portugal's economy and society mean that social life in Portugal is not too different from that in other EU member states. A mass consumption society has been created. Televisions, telephones, refrigerators, cars, music equipment, mobile phones, and personal computers are commonplace. Sixty percent of Portuguese households possess at least one automobile, and 65 percent of Portuguese own their own home. Portuguese citizens are more aware of their legal rights than ever before. This has resulted in a trebling of the number of legal proceeding since 1960 and an eight-fold increase in the number of lawyers. In general, Portuguese society has become more permissive and secular; the Catholic Church and the armed forces are much less influential than in the past. Portugal's population is also much more culturally, religiously, and ethnically diverse, a consequence of the coming to Portugal of hundreds of thousands of immigrants, mainly from former African colonies.
       Portuguese are becoming more cosmopolitan and sophisticated through the impact of world media, the Internet, and the World Wide Web. A prime case in point came in the summer and early fall of 1999, with the extraordinary events in East Timor and the massive Portuguese popular responses. An internationally monitored referendum in East Timor, Portugal's former colony in the Indonesian archipelago and under Indonesian occupation from late 1975 to summer 1999, resulted in a vote of 78.5 percent for rejecting integration with Indonesia and for independence. When Indonesian prointegration gangs, aided by the Indonesian military, responded to the referendum with widespread brutality and threatened to reverse the verdict of the referendum, there was a spontaneous popular outpouring of protest in the cities and towns of Portugal. An avalanche of Portuguese e-mail fell on leaders and groups in the UN and in certain countries around the world as Portugal's diplomats, perhaps to compensate for the weak initial response to Indonesian armed aggression in 1975, called for the protection of East Timor as an independent state and for UN intervention to thwart Indonesian action. Using global communications networks, the Portuguese were able to mobilize UN and world public opinion against Indonesian actions and aided the eventual independence of East Timor on 20 May 2002.
       From the Revolution of 25 April 1974 until the 1990s, Portugal had a large number of political parties, one of the largest Communist parties in western Europe, frequent elections, and endemic cabinet instability. Since the 1990s, the number of political parties has been dramatically reduced and cabinet stability increased. Gradually, the Portuguese electorate has concentrated around two larger parties, the right-of-center Social Democrats (PSD) and the left-of-center Socialist (PS). In the 1980s, these two parties together garnered 65 percent of the vote and 70 percent of the seats in parliament. In 2005, these percentages had risen to 74 percent and 85 percent, respectively. In effect, Portugal is currently a two-party dominant system in which the two largest parties — PS and PSD—alternate in and out of power, not unlike the rotation of the two main political parties (the Regenerators and the Historicals) during the last decades (1850s to 1880s) of the liberal constitutional monarchy. As Portugal's democracy has consolidated, turnout rates for the eligible electorate have declined. In the 1970s, turnout was 85 percent. In Portugal's most recent parliamentary election (2005), turnout had fallen to 65 percent of the eligible electorate.
       Portugal has benefited greatly from membership in the EU, and whatever doubts remain about the price paid for membership, no Portuguese government in the near future can afford to sever this connection. The vast majority of Portuguese citizens see membership in the EU as a "good thing" and strongly believe that Portugal has benefited from membership. Only the Communist Party opposed membership because it reduces national sovereignty, serves the interests of capitalists not workers, and suffers from a democratic deficit. Despite the high level of support for the EU, Portuguese voters are increasingly not voting in elections for the European Parliament, however. Turnout for European Parliament elections fell from 40 percent of the eligible electorate in the 1999 elections to 38 percent in the 2004 elections.
       In sum, Portugal's turn toward Europe has done much to overcome its backwardness. However, despite the economic, social, and political progress made since 1986, Portugal has a long way to go before it can claim to be on a par with the level found even in Spain, much less the rest of western Europe. As Portugal struggles to move from underde-velopment, especially in the rural areas away from the coast, it must keep in mind the perils of too rapid modern development, which could damage two of its most precious assets: its scenery and environment. The growth and future prosperity of the economy will depend on the degree to which the government and the private sector will remain stewards of clean air, soil, water, and other finite resources on which the tourism industry depends and on which Portugal's world image as a unique place to visit rests. Currently, Portugal is investing heavily in renewable energy from solar, wind, and wave power in order to account for about 50 percent of its electricity needs by 2010. Portugal opened the world's largest solar power plant and the world's first commercial wave power farm in 2006.
       An American documentary film on Portugal produced in the 1970s described this little country as having "a Past in Search of a Future." In the years after the Revolution of 25 April 1974, it could be said that Portugal is now living in "a Present in Search of a Future." Increasingly, that future lies in Europe as an active and productive member of the EU.

    Historical dictionary of Portugal > Historical Portugal

  • 12 Cotton, William

    SUBJECT AREA: Textiles
    [br]
    b. 1819 Seagrave, Leicestershire, England
    d. after 1878
    [br]
    English inventor of a power-driven flat-bed knitting machine.
    [br]
    Cotton was originally employed in Loughborough and became one of the first specialized hosiery-machine builders. After the introduction of the latch needle by Matthew Townsend in 1856, knitting frames developed rapidly. The circular frame was easier to work automatically, but attempts to apply power to the flat frame, which could produce fully fashioned work, culminated in 1863 with William Cotton's machine. In that year he invented a machine that could make a dozen or more stockings or hose simultaneously and knit fashioned garments of all kinds. The difficulty was to reduce automatically the number of stitches in the courses where the hose or garment narrowed to give it shape. Cotton had early opportunities to apply himself to the improvement of hosiery machines while employed in the patent shop of Cartwright \& Warner of Loughborough, where some of the first rotaries were made. He remained with the firm for twenty years, during which time sixty or seventy of these machines were turned out. Cotton then established a factory for the manufacture of warp fabrics, and it was here that he began to work on his ideas. He had no knowledge of the principles of engineering or drawing, so his method of making sketches and then getting his ideas roughed out involved much useless labour. After twelve years, in 1863, a patent was issued for the machine that became the basis of the Cotton's Patent type. This was a flat frame driven by rotary mechanism and remarkable for its adaptability. At first he built his machine upright, like a cottage piano, but after much thought and experimentation he conceived the idea of turning the upper part down flat so that the needles were in a vertical position instead of being horizontal, and the work was carried off horizontally instead of vertically. His first machine produced four identical pieces simultaneously, but this number was soon increased. Cotton was induced by the success of his invention to begin machine building as a separate business and thus established one of the first of a class of engineering firms that sprung up as an adjunct to the new hosiery manufacture. He employed only a dozen men and turned out six machines in the first year, entering into an agreement with Hine \& Mundella for their exclusive use. This was later extended to the firm of I. \& R.Morley. In 1878, Cotton began to build on his own account, and the business steadily increased until it employed some 200 workers and had an output of 100 machines a year.
    [br]
    Bibliography
    1863, British patent no. 1,901 (flat-frame knitting machine).
    Further Reading
    F.A.Wells, 1935, The British Hosiery and Knitwear Industry: Its History and Organisation, London (based on an article in the Knitters' Circular (Feb. 1898).
    A brief account of the background to Cotton's invention can be found in T.K.Derry and T.I. Williams, 1960, A Short History of Technology from the Earliest Times to AD 1900, Oxford; C. Singer (ed.), 1958, A History of Technology, Vol. V, Oxford: Clarendon Press.
    F.Moy Thomas, 1900, I. \& R.Morley. A Record of a Hundred Years, London (mentions cotton's first machines).
    RLH

    Biographical history of technology > Cotton, William

  • 13 set\ out

    1. I
    1) I saw him just as he was setting out я его увидел, как раз когда он выезжал /выходил/
    2) the tide is setting out начинается отлив или прилив
    2. II
    set out at some time set out early (late, at dawn, etc.) выходить /пускаться в путь/ рано и т.д.; set out somewhere set out northward (homeward, downhill, etc.) отправляться на север и т.д.
    3. III
    1) set out smth. /smth. out/ set out the table накрывать на стол; set out a pattern выложить узор; set out plants (flowers, petunias, etc.) высаживать растения и т.д.
    2) set out flags вывешивать флаги; set out boots (empty bottles, an empty milk can, etc.) выставлять [за дверь] сапоги и т.д.
    3) set out smth., smb. /smth., smb. out/ set out thirty men-of-war (a large army, volunteers, etc.) выставить тридцать боевых кораблей и т.д.
    4) set out smth. /smth. out/ set out one's requirement (one's complaints, one's reasons for what he had done, one's arguments, one's ideas, etc.) [подробно] излагать свои требования и т.д.
    5) set out smb. /smb. out/ set out the expedition (the crew, the football team, etc.) экипировать /снабдить всем необходимым/ экспедицию и т.д.
    6) set out smb. /smb. out/ the dress (this hat, the outfit, etc.) sets you out это платье и т.д. вам к лицу
    4. IV
    set out smth. /smth. out/ in some manner Set out one's ideas (one's complaints, etc.) clearly (in detail, in brief, succinctly, etc.) ясно и т.д. излагать свои мысли и т.д.
    5. XI
    1) be set out somewhere breakfast was set out in a small room (on a balcony, in a garden, etc.) завтрак был накрыт в маленькой комнате и т.д.; be set out to do smth. the ties were attractively set out to draw in the customers галстуки были красиво разложены, чтобы привлечь покупателей
    2) be set out in tome manner the details (the principles, his ideas, etc.) were clearly (well, poorly, etc.) set out детали /подробности/ и т.д. были четко и т.д. изложены /сформулированы/; be set out somewhere his ideas are set out in this article в этой статье излагаются его мысли; recent changes in the law are set out in the enclosed booklet новейшие изменения, внесенные в этот закон, разъясняются в приложенной брошюре
    6. XIII
    set out to do smth. set out to win the match (to break the record for the cross-channel swim, to show that he was right, to cross the river, etc.) намереваться выиграть матч и т.д.; set out to write a history of civilization (to learn Russian, to paint her portrait, etc.) приниматься за написание истории цивилизации и т.д.; when she sets out to prove her point she beats the record если она примется доказывать свою точку зрения, [то] никто ее не переспорит; he never actually set out to humiliate you он вовсе не хотел вас унизить
    7. XVI
    1) set out for smth. set out for town (for home, for France, for school, etc.) отправляться /направляться/ в город и т.д.; set out from smth. set out from London (from the office, from school, etc.) отправляться (выезжать, выходить и т.п.) из Лондона и т.д.; set out in smth. set out in a small boat отплывать /пуститься в путь/ в маленькой лодке; set out in a car отправиться в путь /выехать/ на автомобиле; set out in search (in pursuit) of smth., smb. начать поиски /отправиться на поиски/ чего-л., кого-л. (в погоню за чем-л., кем-л.); we set out in high spirits мы тронулись в путь в прекрасном настроении; set out (up)on smth. set out on a journey (on a trip to London, upon a voyage, on an expedition, on an excursion, etc.) отправляться в путешествие и т.д.; the competitors set out on the last stage of the cyclerace участники соревнования начали последний этап велогонки; set out after smb., smth. set out after the expedition (after the team, after her chief, after the caravan, etc.) выезжать (выходить и т.п.) вслед за экспедицией и т.д.
    2) set out against smb. set out against an enemy (against the troops, etc.) выступать против противника и т.д.
    8. XXI1
    set out smth. on (in, etc.) smth. set out wares (various items, pictures, etc.) on tables (on the stalls, in windows, under glass, etc.) раскладывать /расставлять/ товары и т.д. на столах и т.д.; set out pieces on a chessboard расставлять фигуры на шахматной доске; set out smth. for smth. set out vegetables (various goods, jewellery, etc.) for sale выставлять овощи и т.д. на продажу; set out smth. with smth. set out a table with food (with one's wares, etc.) уставить стол едой /яствами/ и т.д.

    English-Russian dictionary of verb phrases > set\ out

  • 14 rich

    1. adjective
    1) (wealthy) reich
    2) (having great resources) reich (in an + Dat.); (fertile) fruchtbar [Land, Boden]

    rich in vitamins/lime — vitamin-/kalkreich

    3) (splendid) prachtvoll; prächtig; reich [Ausstattung]
    4) (containing much fat, oil, eggs, etc.) gehaltvoll; (indigestible) schwer [Essen]
    5) (deep, full) voll[tönend] [Stimme]; voll [Ton]; satt [Farbe, Farbton]; voll [Geschmack]
    6) (valuable) reich (geh.) [Geschenke, Opfergaben]
    7) (amusing) köstlich

    that's rich! — köstlich!; (iron.) das ist stark! (ugs.)

    2. plural noun

    the rich — die Reichen

    * * *
    [ri ]
    1) (wealthy; having a lot of money, possessions etc: a rich man/country.) reich
    2) ((with in) having a lot( of something): This part of the country is rich in coal.) reich
    3) (valuable: a rich reward; rich materials.) reich
    4) (containing a lot of fat, eggs, spices etc: a rich sauce.) reichhaltig
    5) ((of clothes, material etc) very beautiful and expensive.) kostbar
    •
    - academic.ru/62314/richly">richly
    - richness
    - riches
    * * *
    [rɪtʃ]
    I. adj
    1. (wealthy) reich
    \rich nation reiches Land
    \rich pickings reiche [Aus]beute; for pickpockets leichte Beute
    to get \rich quick schnell zu Reichtum kommen [o reich werden]
    to become [or grow] \rich reich werden
    2. (abounding) reich
    ▪ to be \rich in sth reich an etw dat sein
    it was a journey \rich in incidents es war eine Reise voller Zwischenfälle
    \rich deposits of minerals reiche Mineralienvorkommen
    \rich in detail sehr detailliert
    \rich in ideas ideenreich
    \rich source unerschöpfliche Quelle
    \rich in vitamins vitaminreich
    3. (very fertile) land fruchtbar, reich; earth, soil also fett
    \rich harvest reiche Ernte
    \rich vegetation üppige Vegetation
    4. (opulent) carvings, furniture prachtvoll
    \rich buildings Prachtbauten pl
    \rich offerings reiche Gaben
    \rich reward großzügige Belohnung
    6. (of food) gehaltvoll; (hard to digest) schwer
    a \rich meal ein opulentes Mahl
    7. drink schwer, vollmundig
    8. (intense)
    \rich colour [or AM color] satte [o kräftige] Farbe
    \rich flavour [or AM flavor] reiches Aroma
    \rich smell schwerer Duft
    \rich taste voller Geschmack
    \rich tone voller [o satter] Klang
    9. AUTO
    \rich mixture fettes Gemisch fachspr
    10. (interesting) reich; life also erfüllt
    \rich experience wertvolle Erfahrung
    \rich history bedeutende Vergangenheit
    11. MIN
    \rich mine ergiebige Mine
    \rich mineral deposit fündiger Erzgang
    12. pred ( fam: causing amusement) criticism, remark lächerlich
    that's \rich coming from him! das muss gerade er sagen!, das ist ein starkes Stück von ihm! fam
    II. n
    ▪ the \rich pl die Reichen pl
    * * *
    [rɪtʃ]
    1. adj (+er)
    1) (= wealthy) reich

    for richer, for poorer — in guten wie in schlechten Zeiten

    2) (= splendid) furniture, decoration, style, clothes prächtig; gift teuer; banquet üppig
    3) food schwer

    rich tea biscuit — ≈ Butterkeks m

    4) (= fertile) soil fruchtbar, fett; land fruchtbar, reich
    5) (= abundant, plentiful) reich
    6) (= intense) colour satt; sound, voice voll; wine schwer; smell kräftig, stark
    7) (= full, eventful) life erfüllt; history, experience reich

    to be ( all) the richer for sth — durch etw bereichert sein

    8) (inf: amusing) köstlich
    9) (AUT) mixture fett
    10)

    (= full of) to be rich in sth (in resources etc) — reich an etw (dat) sein

    rich in vitamins/protein — vitamin-/eiweißreich

    rich in corn/minerals — reich an Getreide/Bodenschätzen

    rich in illustrations/examples — mit vielen Abbildungen/Beispielen

    2. n
    1)

    the rich and famous — die Reichen und Berühmten pl, die Schickeria f (iro)

    2) pl Reichtümer pl
    * * *
    rich [rıtʃ]
    A adj (adv → richly)
    1. reich, wohlhabend, begütert:
    marry rich reich heiraten
    2. reich (in an dat), reichhaltig:
    rich in contrasts kontrastreich;
    rich in hydrogen wasserstoffreich;
    rich in ideas ideenreich;
    rich in ornament reich verziert
    3. schwer (Stoff), prächtig, kostbar (Seide, Schmuck etc)
    4. reich geschmückt, reich verziert (Möbel etc)
    5. reich(lich), ergiebig:
    rich harvest reiche Ernte
    6. fruchtbar, fett (Boden)
    7. a) GEOL (erz)reich, erzhaltig, fündig (Lagerstätte)
    b) MINER reich, fett (Erz):
    strike it rich auf Öl etc stoßen, fig zu Geld kommen, auch das große Los ziehen
    8. CHEM, TECH schwer (Gas etc), AUTO fett, reich (Gemisch):
    rich oil Schweröl n
    9. schwer, kräftig (Nahrung)
    10. schwer, stark (Parfüm, Wein)
    11. kräftig, voll, satt (Farben)
    12. a) voll, satt (Klang)
    b) voll(tönend), klangvoll (Stimme)
    13. inhalt(s)reich, -voll
    14. umg köstlich:
    that’s rich! iron das ist ja großartig!, pej das ist ein starkes Stück!
    15. saftig umg (Ausdrucksweise)
    B s the rich koll die Reichen pl
    * * *
    1. adjective
    1) (wealthy) reich
    2) (having great resources) reich (in an + Dat.); (fertile) fruchtbar [Land, Boden]

    rich in vitamins/lime — vitamin-/kalkreich

    3) (splendid) prachtvoll; prächtig; reich [Ausstattung]
    4) (containing much fat, oil, eggs, etc.) gehaltvoll; (indigestible) schwer [Essen]
    5) (deep, full) voll[tönend] [Stimme]; voll [Ton]; satt [Farbe, Farbton]; voll [Geschmack]
    6) (valuable) reich (geh.) [Geschenke, Opfergaben]
    7) (amusing) köstlich

    that's rich! — köstlich!; (iron.) das ist stark! (ugs.)

    2. plural noun
    * * *
    (in) adj.
    reich (an) adj. adj.
    reich adj.
    reichhaltig adj.
    reichlich adj.
    schwer (Speisen) adj.

    English-german dictionary > rich

  • 15 young

    young [jʌŋ] (compar younger ['jʌŋgə(r)], superl youngest ['jʌŋgɪst])
    (a) (in age, style, ideas → person, clothes) jeune;
    ∎ the young men and women of today les jeunes gens et les jeunes femmes d'aujourd'hui;
    ∎ a young woman une jeune femme;
    ∎ young people les jeunes mpl, la jeunesse f;
    ∎ the younger generation la jeune génération;
    ∎ families with young children les familles qui ont des enfants en bas âge;
    ∎ my younger brother mon frère cadet, mon petit frère;
    ∎ I'm ten years younger than she is j'ai dix ans de moins qu'elle;
    ∎ I'm not as young as I was! je n'ai plus (mes) vingt ans!;
    ∎ he is young for such responsibility il est bien jeune pour de telles responsabilités;
    ∎ you're only young once! la jeunesse ne dure qu'un temps!;
    ∎ in my younger days dans ma jeunesse, quand j'étais jeune;
    ∎ British how is young Christopher? comment va le jeune Christopher?;
    ∎ the young Mr Ford, Mr Ford the younger le jeune M. Ford, M. Ford fils;
    ∎ now listen here young man! écoutez-moi bien, jeune homme!;
    ∎ old-fashioned her young man son petit ami, son amoureux;
    ∎ old-fashioned his young lady sa petite amie, son amoureuse;
    ∎ young lady! mademoiselle!;
    ∎ she's quite a young lady now c'est une vraie jeune fille maintenant;
    ∎ what do you have to say for yourself, young lady? qu'avez-vous à dire, mademoiselle?
    (b) (youthful) jeune;
    ∎ he is young for forty-five il fait jeune pour quarante-cinq ans;
    ∎ she is a young forty-five elle a quarante-cinq ans, mais elle ne les fait pas;
    ∎ he's young for his age il est jeune pour son âge, il ne fait pas son âge;
    ∎ to be young at heart avoir la jeunesse du cœur
    (c) (recent → grass, plant) nouveau(elle); (→ wine) jeune, vert; Geology (→ rock formation) jeune, récent;
    ∎ a young country/company un pays/une société de création récente
    ∎ the young les jeunes (gens) mpl, la jeunesse;
    ∎ a game suitable for young and old alike un jeu pour les jeunes et les moins jeunes
    (b) (of animal) petits mpl;
    ∎ a lioness and her young une lionne et ses petits;
    ∎ to be with young (animal) être pleine ou grosse
    ►► young blood (new attitudes, ideas, people) sang m nouveau ou neuf;
    British Politics Young Conservatives jeunes conservateurs mpl;
    British Young Offenders' Institution = centre de détention pour mineurs;
    History the Young Pretender le jeune Prétendant (surnom de Charles Stuart, l'un des deux prétendants au trône);
    History & figurative Young Turk jeune-turc (jeune-turque) m,f

    Un panorama unique de l'anglais et du français > young

  • 16 Girard, Philippe de

    SUBJECT AREA: Textiles
    [br]
    b. 1775 France
    d. 1845
    [br]
    French developer of a successful flax-heckling machine for the preparation of fibres for power-spinning.
    [br]
    Early drawing and spinning processes failed to give linen yarn the requisite fineness and homogeneity. In 1810 Napoleon offered a prize of a million francs for a successful flax-spinning machine as part of his policy of stimulating the French textile industries. Spurred on by this offer, Girard suggested three improvements. He was too late to win the prize, but his ideas were patented in England in 1814, although not under his own name. He proposed that the fibres should be soaked in a very hot alkaline solution both before drawing and immediately before they went to the spindles. The actual drawing was to be done by passing the dried material through combs or gills that moved alternately; gill drawing was taken up in England in 1816. His method of wet spinning was never a commercial success, but his processes were adopted in part and developed in Britain and spread to Austria, Poland and France, for his ideas were essentially good and produced a superior product. The successful power-spinning of linen thread from flax depended primarily upon the initial processes of heckling and drawing. The heckling of the bundles or stricks of flax, so as to separate the long fibres of "line" from the shorter ones of "tow", was extremely difficult to mechanize, for each strick had to be combed on both sides in turn and then in the reverse direction. It was to this problem that Girard next turned his attention, inventing a successful machine in 1832 that subsequently was improved in England. The strick was placed between two vertical sheets of combs that moved opposite to each other, depositing the tow upon a revolving cylinder covered with a brush at the bottom of the machine, while the holder from which the strick was suspended moved up and down so as to help the teeth to penetrate deeper into the flax. The tow was removed from the cylinder at the bottom of the machine and taken away to be spun like cotton. The long line fibres were removed from the top of the machine and required further processing if the yarn was to be uniform.
    When N.L.Sadi Carnot's book Réflexions sur la puissance motrice du feu, was published in 1824, Girard made a favourable report on it.
    [br]
    Further Reading
    M.Daumas (ed.), 1968, Histoire générale des techniques, Vol. III: L'Expansion du
    Machinisme, Paris.
    C.Singer (ed.), 1958, A History of'Technology, Vol. IV, Oxford: Clarendon Press. T.K.Derry and T.I.Williams, 1960, A Short History of Technology from the Earliest
    Times to AD 1900, Oxford.
    W.A.McCutcheon, 1966–7, "Water power in the North of Ireland", Transactions of the Newcomen Society 39 (discusses the spinning of flax and mentions Girard).
    RLH

    Biographical history of technology > Girard, Philippe de

  • 17 Birth Order

       In science, birth-order effects are driven by the ideological implications inherent in new ideas. Theories that have socially radical implications tend to be championed by laterborns and rejected by firstborns. Theories that have socially conservative implications display the opposite trend: firstborns tend to back conservative innovations, whereas laterborns are among the most vocal opponents of this class of ideas....
       The linear relationship between birth-order trends and ideological tendencies makes my argument about birth order testable in a variety of ways. For example, socially conservative innovations that are championed by laterborns should never occur in history. The discovery of even one such episode with a significant trend would constitute a formidable challenge to my claims. Similarly, evidence of radical revolutions favored by firstborns is also not to be expected. When firstborns have "rebelled" in history, it has been to bring God back into the scientific picture or to reaffirm the social status quo. Firstborns favored eugenics because this reform movement seemed to rationalize socioeconomic disparities in terms of genetics. (The word eugenics comes from the Greek, meaning "well born.") Historically, firstborns have tended to support the notion that biology is destiny. Minority races, women, and laterborns have all typically resisted such deterministic notions. (Sulloway, 1996, pp. 130, 133)

    Historical dictionary of quotations in cognitive science > Birth Order

  • 18 Introduction

       Portugal is a small Western European nation with a large, distinctive past replete with both triumph and tragedy. One of the continent's oldest nation-states, Portugal has frontiers that are essentially unchanged since the late 14th century. The country's unique character and 850-year history as an independent state present several curious paradoxes. As of 1974, when much of the remainder of the Portuguese overseas empire was decolonized, Portuguese society appeared to be the most ethnically homogeneous of the two Iberian states and of much of Europe. Yet, Portuguese society had received, over the course of 2,000 years, infusions of other ethnic groups in invasions and immigration: Phoenicians, Greeks, Celts, Romans, Suevi, Visigoths, Muslims (Arab and Berber), Jews, Italians, Flemings, Burgundian French, black Africans, and Asians. Indeed, Portugal has been a crossroads, despite its relative isolation in the western corner of the Iberian Peninsula, between the West and North Africa, Tropical Africa, and Asia and America. Since 1974, Portugal's society has become less homogeneous, as there has been significant immigration of former subjects from its erstwhile overseas empire.
       Other paradoxes should be noted as well. Although Portugal is sometimes confused with Spain or things Spanish, its very national independence and national culture depend on being different from Spain and Spaniards. Today, Portugal's independence may be taken for granted. Since 1140, except for 1580-1640 when it was ruled by Philippine Spain, Portugal has been a sovereign state. Nevertheless, a recurring theme of the nation's history is cycles of anxiety and despair that its freedom as a nation is at risk. There is a paradox, too, about Portugal's overseas empire(s), which lasted half a millennium (1415-1975): after 1822, when Brazil achieved independence from Portugal, most of the Portuguese who emigrated overseas never set foot in their overseas empire, but preferred to immigrate to Brazil or to other countries in North or South America or Europe, where established Portuguese overseas communities existed.
       Portugal was a world power during the period 1415-1550, the era of the Discoveries, expansion, and early empire, and since then the Portuguese have experienced periods of decline, decadence, and rejuvenation. Despite the fact that Portugal slipped to the rank of a third- or fourth-rate power after 1580, it and its people can claim rightfully an unusual number of "firsts" or distinctions that assure their place both in world and Western history. These distinctions should be kept in mind while acknowledging that, for more than 400 years, Portugal has generally lagged behind the rest of Western Europe, although not Southern Europe, in social and economic developments and has remained behind even its only neighbor and sometime nemesis, Spain.
       Portugal's pioneering role in the Discoveries and exploration era of the 15th and 16th centuries is well known. Often noted, too, is the Portuguese role in the art and science of maritime navigation through the efforts of early navigators, mapmakers, seamen, and fishermen. What are often forgotten are the country's slender base of resources, its small population largely of rural peasants, and, until recently, its occupation of only 16 percent of the Iberian Peninsula. As of 1139—10, when Portugal emerged first as an independent monarchy, and eventually a sovereign nation-state, England and France had not achieved this status. The Portuguese were the first in the Iberian Peninsula to expel the Muslim invaders from their portion of the peninsula, achieving this by 1250, more than 200 years before Castile managed to do the same (1492).
       Other distinctions may be noted. Portugal conquered the first overseas empire beyond the Mediterranean in the early modern era and established the first plantation system based on slave labor. Portugal's empire was the first to be colonized and the last to be decolonized in the 20th century. With so much of its scattered, seaborne empire dependent upon the safety and seaworthiness of shipping, Portugal was a pioneer in initiating marine insurance, a practice that is taken for granted today. During the time of Pombaline Portugal (1750-77), Portugal was the first state to organize and hold an industrial trade fair. In distinctive political and governmental developments, Portugal's record is more mixed, and this fact suggests that maintaining a government with a functioning rule of law and a pluralist, representative democracy has not been an easy matter in a country that for so long has been one of the poorest and least educated in the West. Portugal's First Republic (1910-26), only the third republic in a largely monarchist Europe (after France and Switzerland), was Western Europe's most unstable parliamentary system in the 20th century. Finally, the authoritarian Estado Novo or "New State" (1926-74) was the longest surviving authoritarian system in modern Western Europe. When Portugal departed from its overseas empire in 1974-75, the descendants, in effect, of Prince Henry the Navigator were leaving the West's oldest empire.
       Portugal's individuality is based mainly on its long history of distinc-tiveness, its intense determination to use any means — alliance, diplomacy, defense, trade, or empire—to be a sovereign state, independent of Spain, and on its national pride in the Portuguese language. Another master factor in Portuguese affairs deserves mention. The country's politics and government have been influenced not only by intellectual currents from the Atlantic but also through Spain from Europe, which brought new political ideas and institutions and novel technologies. Given the weight of empire in Portugal's past, it is not surprising that public affairs have been hostage to a degree to what happened in her overseas empire. Most important have been domestic responses to imperial affairs during both imperial and internal crises since 1415, which have continued to the mid-1970s and beyond. One of the most important themes of Portuguese history, and one oddly neglected by not a few histories, is that every major political crisis and fundamental change in the system—in other words, revolution—since 1415 has been intimately connected with a related imperial crisis. The respective dates of these historical crises are: 1437, 1495, 1578-80, 1640, 1820-22, 1890, 1910, 1926-30, 1961, and 1974. The reader will find greater detail on each crisis in historical context in the history section of this introduction and in relevant entries.
       LAND AND PEOPLE
       The Republic of Portugal is located on the western edge of the Iberian Peninsula. A major geographical dividing line is the Tagus River: Portugal north of it has an Atlantic orientation; the country to the south of it has a Mediterranean orientation. There is little physical evidence that Portugal is clearly geographically distinct from Spain, and there is no major natural barrier between the two countries along more than 1,214 kilometers (755 miles) of the Luso-Spanish frontier. In climate, Portugal has a number of microclimates similar to the microclimates of Galicia, Estremadura, and Andalusia in neighboring Spain. North of the Tagus, in general, there is an Atlantic-type climate with higher rainfall, cold winters, and some snow in the mountainous areas. South of the Tagus is a more Mediterranean climate, with hot, dry, often rainless summers and cool, wet winters. Lisbon, the capital, which has a fifth of the country's population living in its region, has an average annual mean temperature about 16° C (60° F).
       For a small country with an area of 92,345 square kilometers (35,580 square miles, including the Atlantic archipelagos of the Azores and the Madeiras), which is about the size of the state of Indiana in the United States, Portugal has a remarkable diversity of regional topography and scenery. In some respects, Portugal resembles an island within the peninsula, embodying a unique fusion of European and non-European cultures, akin to Spain yet apart. Its geography is a study in contrasts, from the flat, sandy coastal plain, in some places unusually wide for Europe, to the mountainous Beira districts or provinces north of the Tagus, to the snow-capped mountain range of the Estrela, with its unique ski area, to the rocky, barren, remote Trás-os-Montes district bordering Spain. There are extensive forests in central and northern Portugal that contrast with the flat, almost Kansas-like plains of the wheat belt in the Alentejo district. There is also the unique Algarve district, isolated somewhat from the Alentejo district by a mountain range, with a microclimate, topography, and vegetation that resemble closely those of North Africa.
       Although Portugal is small, just 563 kilometers (337 miles) long and from 129 to 209 kilometers (80 to 125 miles) wide, it is strategically located on transportation and communication routes between Europe and North Africa, and the Americas and Europe. Geographical location is one key to the long history of Portugal's three overseas empires, which stretched once from Morocco to the Moluccas and from lonely Sagres at Cape St. Vincent to Rio de Janeiro, Brazil. It is essential to emphasize the identity of its neighbors: on the north and east Portugal is bounded by Spain, its only neighbor, and by the Atlantic Ocean on the south and west. Portugal is the westernmost country of Western Europe, and its shape resembles a face, with Lisbon below the nose, staring into the
       Atlantic. No part of Portugal touches the Mediterranean, and its Atlantic orientation has been a response in part to turning its back on Castile and Léon (later Spain) and exploring, traveling, and trading or working in lands beyond the peninsula. Portugal was the pioneering nation in the Atlantic-born European discoveries during the Renaissance, and its diplomatic and trade relations have been dominated by countries that have been Atlantic powers as well: Spain; England (Britain since 1707); France; Brazil, once its greatest colony; and the United States.
       Today Portugal and its Atlantic islands have a population of roughly 10 million people. While ethnic homogeneity has been characteristic of it in recent history, Portugal's population over the centuries has seen an infusion of non-Portuguese ethnic groups from various parts of Europe, the Middle East, and Africa. Between 1500 and 1800, a significant population of black Africans, brought in as slaves, was absorbed in the population. And since 1950, a population of Cape Verdeans, who worked in menial labor, has resided in Portugal. With the influx of African, Goan, and Timorese refugees and exiles from the empire—as many as three quarters of a million retornados ("returned ones" or immigrants from the former empire) entered Portugal in 1974 and 1975—there has been greater ethnic diversity in the Portuguese population. In 2002, there were 239,113 immigrants legally residing in Portugal: 108,132 from Africa; 24,806 from Brazil; 15,906 from Britain; 14,617 from Spain; and 11,877 from Germany. In addition, about 200,000 immigrants are living in Portugal from eastern Europe, mainly from Ukraine. The growth of Portugal's population is reflected in the following statistics:
       1527 1,200,000 (estimate only)
       1768 2,400,000 (estimate only)
       1864 4,287,000 first census
       1890 5,049,700
       1900 5,423,000
       1911 5,960,000
       1930 6,826,000
       1940 7,185,143
       1950 8,510,000
       1960 8,889,000
       1970 8,668,000* note decrease
       1980 9,833,000
       1991 9,862,540
       1996 9,934,100
       2006 10,642,836
       2010 10,710,000 (estimated)

    Historical dictionary of Portugal > Introduction

  • 19 Generation of 1870

       A generation of Portuguese writers and intellectuals and a postregeneration phase of the country's intellectual history in the last third of the 19th century. Many of them graduates of Coimbra University, these writers, whose work challenged conventional wisdom of their day, included J. Oliveira Martins, economist and social scientist; Eça de Queirós, novelist; Antero de Quental, poet; Ramalho Ortigão, editor and essayist; Teófilo Braga, literary historian; and the geographer and diplomat abroad, Jaime Batalha Reis. Coming of political age at the time of the Franco-Prussian War, the French Commune, and the French Third Republic (1870-71), these Portuguese intellectuals believed that economically weak Portugal had a polity and society in the grip of a pervasive decadence and inertia. They called for reform and renewal.
       Critical of romanticism, they were realists and neorealists and espoused the ideas of Karl Marx, Pierre Proudhon, and Auguste Comte. They called for revolution through the establishment of republicanism and socialism, and they were convinced that Portugal's backwardness and poverty were due primarily to the ancient influences of a weakened monarchy and the Catholic Church. This group of like-minded but also distinctive thinkers had an important impact on Portuguese letters and elite culture, but only a minor effect on contemporary politics and government.
       Like so many other movements in modern Portugal, the Generation of 1870's initiatives began as essentially a protest by university students of Coimbra, who confronted the status quo and sought to change their world by means of change and innovation in action and ideas. In certain respects, Portugal's Generation of 1870 resembled neighboring Spain's Generation of 1898, which began its "rebellion" in ideas following a disastrous foreign war (the Spanish-American War, 1898).

    Historical dictionary of Portugal > Generation of 1870

  • 20 Ford, Henry

    [br]
    b. 30 July 1863 Dearborn, Michigan, USA
    d. 7 April 1947 Dearborn, Michigan, USA
    [br]
    American pioneer motor-car maker and developer of mass-production methods.
    [br]
    He was the son of an Irish immigrant farmer, William Ford, and the oldest son to survive of Mary Litogot; his mother died in 1876 with the birth of her sixth child. He went to the village school, and at the age of 16 he was apprenticed to Flower brothers' machine shop and then at the Drydock \& Engineering Works in Detroit. In 1882 he left to return to the family farm and spent some time working with a 1 1/2 hp steam engine doing odd jobs for the farming community at $3 per day. He was then employed as a demonstrator for Westinghouse steam engines. He met Clara Jane Bryant at New Year 1885 and they were married on 11 April 1888. Their only child, Edsel Bryant Ford, was born on 6 November 1893.
    At that time Henry worked on steam engine repairs for the Edison Illuminating Company, where he became Chief Engineer. He became one of a group working to develop a "horseless carriage" in 1896 and in June completed his first vehicle, a "quadri cycle" with a two-cylinder engine. It was built in a brick shed, which had to be partially demolished to get the carriage out.
    Ford became involved in motor racing, at which he was more successful than he was in starting a car-manufacturing company. Several early ventures failed, until the Ford Motor Company of 1903. By October 1908 they had started with production of the Model T. The first, of which over 15 million were built up to the end of its production in May 1927, came out with bought-out steel stampings and a planetary gearbox, and had a one-piece four-cylinder block with a bolt-on head. This was one of the most successful models built by Ford or any other motor manufacturer in the life of the motor car.
    Interchangeability of components was an important element in Ford's philosophy. Ford was a pioneer in the use of vanadium steel for engine components. He adopted the principles of Frederick Taylor, the pioneer of time-and-motion study, and installed the world's first moving assembly line for the production of magnetos, started in 1913. He installed blast furnaces at the factory to make his own steel, and he also promoted research and the cultivation of the soya bean, from which a plastic was derived.
    In October 1913 he introduced the "Five Dollar Day", almost doubling the normal rate of pay. This was a profit-sharing scheme for his employees and contained an element of a reward for good behaviour. About this time he initiated work on an agricultural tractor, the "Fordson" made by a separate company, the directors of which were Henry and his son Edsel.
    In 1915 he chartered the Oscar II, a "peace ship", and with fifty-five delegates sailed for Europe a week before Christmas, docking at Oslo. Their objective was to appeal to all European Heads of State to stop the war. He had hoped to persuade manufacturers to replace armaments with tractors in their production programmes. In the event, Ford took to his bed in the hotel with a chill, stayed there for five days and then sailed for New York and home. He did, however, continue to finance the peace activists who remained in Europe. Back in America, he stood for election to the US Senate but was defeated. He was probably the father of John Dahlinger, illegitimate son of Evangeline Dahlinger, a stenographer employed by the firm and on whom he lavished gifts of cars, clothes and properties. He became the owner of a weekly newspaper, the Dearborn Independent, which became the medium for the expression of many of his more unorthodox ideas. He was involved in a lawsuit with the Chicago Tribune in 1919, during which he was cross-examined on his knowledge of American history: he is reputed to have said "History is bunk". What he actually said was, "History is bunk as it is taught in schools", a very different comment. The lawyers who thus made a fool of him would have been surprised if they could have foreseen the force and energy that their actions were to release. For years Ford employed a team of specialists to scour America and Europe for furniture, artefacts and relics of all kinds, illustrating various aspects of history. Starting with the Wayside Inn from South Sudbury, Massachusetts, buildings were bought, dismantled and moved, to be reconstructed in Greenfield Village, near Dearborn. The courthouse where Abraham Lincoln had practised law and the Ohio bicycle shop where the Wright brothers built their first primitive aeroplane were added to the farmhouse where the proprietor, Henry Ford, had been born. Replicas were made of Independence Hall, Congress Hall and the old City Hall in Philadelphia, and even a reconstruction of Edison's Menlo Park laboratory was installed. The Henry Ford museum was officially opened on 21 October 1929, on the fiftieth anniversary of Edison's invention of the incandescent bulb, but it continued to be a primary preoccupation of the great American car maker until his death.
    Henry Ford was also responsible for a number of aeronautical developments at the Ford Airport at Dearborn. He introduced the first use of radio to guide a commercial aircraft, the first regular airmail service in the United States. He also manufactured the country's first all-metal multi-engined plane, the Ford Tri-Motor.
    Edsel became President of the Ford Motor Company on his father's resignation from that position on 30 December 1918. Following the end of production in May 1927 of the Model T, the replacement Model A was not in production for another six months. During this period Henry Ford, though officially retired from the presidency of the company, repeatedly interfered and countermanded the orders of his son, ostensibly the man in charge. Edsel, who died of stomach cancer at his home at Grosse Point, Detroit, on 26 May 1943, was the father of Henry Ford II. Henry Ford died at his home, "Fair Lane", four years after his son's death.
    [br]
    Bibliography
    1922, with S.Crowther, My Life and Work, London: Heinemann.
    Further Reading
    R.Lacey, 1986, Ford, the Men and the Machine, London: Heinemann. W.C.Richards, 1948, The Last Billionaire, Henry Ford, New York: Charles Scribner.
    IMcN

    Biographical history of technology > Ford, Henry

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